Yes, Prime Minister of Japan

The next day.

With the help of several ladies dressing him up, Li Xinghe appeared poised, dignified, and incredibly charming.

Olympia sat in front of the makeup mirror, where Lee Ju-yeon helped her apply makeup that was more in line with Asian aesthetics.

The two men led their negotiation team downstairs. Outside the Longshan base, over 100,000 fans, roughly equal in gender, had already gathered. They screamed and approached the bus.

Upon seeing such crazed fans, the 202nd Female Special Forces Brigade decisively acted as a brake, brandishing their batons and severely beating the fans who stood with them.

"Don't keep Kaka from getting down to business!"

Of course, the female soldiers' batons were still batons, and the pain wouldn't be less intense just because the force was slightly weaker. So, many fans promptly withdrew, clearing the way to the Yeouido National Assembly. Despite being beaten, the fans didn't hold a grudge and simply continued their throng forward.

The parliamentary assembly hall on the east side of the National Assembly in Yeouido, Seoul, will serve as the venue for today's discussion.

Japan, South Korea, Australia, New Zealand, along with the newly established Lanfang, West Papua, and Seongchau Special Economic Zones, as well as a large number of small island nations in the Pacific Ocean, are set to hold a political conference in Seoul to discuss the establishment of a deeply unified market similar to that of the European Union.

Only then did the media notice the newly unveiled conference banner:

"The G7?"

Under the watchful eyes of South Koreans and international media, Lee Sung-ha, dressed in a dark suit, arrived at the council chamber with Duchess Olympia, who was wearing a blue coat.

Although the meeting was ostensibly for discussion, the representative from Japan and South Korea was Lee Sung-ha, and the representative from Australia and New Zealand was Olympia. While there were many representatives from other island nations and regions, their ability to propose substantial policy initiatives was limited. Therefore, the meeting primarily focused on in-depth discussions surrounding the single topic of "a unified market."

If there's anyone else of note here, then China's special envoy, Lao Wang, is probably the most eye-catching.

This meeting was nominally a seven-nation conference, but in reality, it was a seven-nation plus one. China, an industrial Cthulhu eager to meddle in everything, joined the talks as an observer state that initiated the meeting. It stated, "China also has a unified market; let's create an even larger market together."

The first day of talks mainly focused on explaining the main cooperation framework, but in reality, the foreign ministries of the various countries had already been negotiating on this matter privately for half a month.

After the negotiations concluded, there was a press conference.

"Next is the Q&A session."

The host called out the reporter's name.

Naturally, the first to speak up were KBS's official reporters, who were responsible for debunking the rumors:

Is this the rumored 'new integration movement' and 'reunification of Japan and South Korea'?

"I don't know where these rumors came from, but I must say that none of what you're saying exists."

Li Xinghe shook his finger, denying the rumors circulating outside.

A South Korean reporter also asked an indignant question:

"Can't the Republic of Korea exist independently of the universe?"

“We are discussing cooperation. Are you going to shout ‘South Korea is number one in the world’ while we are cooperating? This kind of politically lewd behavior is unacceptable.”

Li Xinghe has already been very frugal in his choice of words.

The fact is: it's impossible.

There are many things where appearances and essences are at odds. Japan and South Korea share a bizarre self-delusion of "I am a democratic country, I am invincible in the world," but that is not reality.

For example, before Li Xinghe came to power, the Japanese right wing was deeply distressed whenever Article 9 of the Japanese Constitution, which grants the right to collective self-defense, was mentioned, as if the constitution restricted Japan's military development.

But Li Xinghe knew the reality best. He had overstepped Article 2 of the Constitution, yet Japan's military development remained unchanged. Its missiles relied on technology sharing from North Korea, its aircraft carriers depended on technical support from the US and China, its missile destroyers were replicas of the American Arleigh Burke-class IIA, and even manufacturing a rifle was a struggle. If Japan were to follow its ambitious national policy, it would have to adopt a policy of military neglect.

In fact, it was Japanese bureaucrats and rational politicians themselves who clung to Article 9 in the past. The right of collective self-defense was just a fig leaf for them to cover up their inadequate defense capabilities; otherwise, it would have been discovered that Japan truly lacked military competence.

This case illustrates a similar pattern in South Korea's path to nuclear weapons. They constantly complain about US technological blockades, but the reality is that they lack sufficient technology and dare not break through US restrictions.

A female journalist from Sweden, representing the EU, pointed out sharply:

"China, Japan, and South Korea are the last three collectives in the world to gradually enter the free market with developed commodities and establish a complete industrial system through a command-state economic system. I would like to ask, does this mean that the three countries will take some kind of agreement in the near future to complete a profound national restructuring? What about Australia and New Zealand? Is the new alliance you are trying to create based on Asian civilization or Pacific civilization?"

Before she could finish speaking, a diplomat at the negotiating table pointed out:

"I want to say that China is not..."

Before she could finish speaking, the female reporter launched a highly aggressive rebuttal:

"You can't fool us. No matter what data we look at—purchasing power, living standards, per capita industrial output—China has already collectively entered the ranks of a nascent developed economy with a scale of 2 trillion US dollars. The claim that China is a developing country is the biggest lie in the world."

Admittedly, due to the two rounds of depreciation of the US dollar, the RMB was forced to appreciate to a level of 1:3, which does qualify it as part of the developed country category by definition. However, this is just a meaningless numbers game. If one wants to be included in the developed country criteria, a slight adjustment to the exchange rate and industrial structure is all it takes, as South Korea has done.

Of course, you've already lost if you actually believe that journalists have anything good to say.

In reality, this journalist, within the framework of normal discourse, harbors a right-wing white conservative mentality of "East-West civilization confrontation," accusing "China, Japan, and South Korea" of bringing about a "new change" that will replace the white world, especially the European Union and the United States.

Although she didn't say it aloud, she already identified herself as white and placed herself on the side of the white camp that was "deceived by Asian countries." Li Xinghe didn't need to check her resume to know that this was probably another typical case of a campus leftist turning into an elite rightist.

For white people, shifting directly from a left-wing to a right-wing mentality is not difficult. The core of the left is 'white centrism,' which, though they may not admit it, is a typical right-wing racist view, merely whitewashed with a Western Marxist leftist facade. When leftists experience the harsh realities of society and witness the decline of Western societies firsthand, this facade will naturally crumble, and they will naturally turn to the right.

Coincidentally, her question was exactly the kind of public opinion Li Xinghe wanted to cultivate, so Li Xinghe picked up the conversation:

"It seems I have to say a few words, lest people keep chattering about me being the new emperor or emperor, and even indirectly saying that I want to lead a new Japan-Korea Annexation Treaty."

He looked around at the large group of social activists and journalists:

“I am not Ito Hirobumi, nor Lee Wan-yong, nor the Emperor of the Korean Empire.”

"Fairness, impartiality, and collective decision-making are the main principles guiding my organization of the G7 alliance. Times are changing, and the times belong to more powerful industrial clusters and larger markets. No matter how developed a single small market is, it will face the limitations of reaching its development ceiling. Do you remember how the 'Oriental style' was criticized? It was because South Korea's own economy and culture had been exhausted, so it was criticized for borrowing styles from China and Japan. What is the problem? It is that if you want to develop, you have to break the old rules. Under the old rules, Japan and South Korea have nothing left to gain."

The reporters below were writing furiously.

Old rules? Whose rules?

Even if it's not explicitly stated, reporters know that it's the US's global rule.

New rules? What kind of rules?

No one can fully describe it, but it certainly has little to do with the United States anymore.

This mindset of breaking down barriers has been raised by many countries, but more often than not, those countries have chosen war.

Finally, Li Xinghe stood up and stated the most crucial point:

"In other words, what we are pursuing now is an idiosyncratic alliance of Asia and the Pacific. We share similar cultures, live together here, are industrialized and resource-rich nations, yet have little control over the direction of the world's economy and culture, and can only passively accept it. The world's economic core seems so top-heavy at this moment. Therefore, we unite, we stand together, and we want to decide our own future. To those who package my decision as a 'Japan-Korea merger' and try to imply annexation, my answer is: your path of dependence on Europe and America has come to an end."

The reporters all stood up and started snapping photos.

It was at this moment that Lee Sung-ha changed the traditional way of dividing political stances in South Korean society. It was no longer a political confrontation between the traditional right wing, a legacy of the Park Chun-ro military government, and the emerging left wing, a product of the democratization movement. The aura of justice that the democrats had long relied on to cultivate through their anti-military government stance was shattered by Lee Sung-ha's innovative theories.

From then on, there was a political confrontation between the new faction that insisted on Asian nativism and the old faction that insisted on being close to Europe and the United States.

As Lee Sung-ha stepped off the podium, Moon Jae-in rushed over and grabbed Lee Sung-ha's arm.

"Hehe, please take back what you just said!"

Li Xinghe countered:

"Why? Because we have already embarked on the path of national reform."

Moon Jae-in slammed his fist on the table in despair, his voice low but unable to contain his furious outburst:

"This is not reform, this is a call for a nationwide uprising!"

In Moon Jae-in's view, Lee Sung-ha shouldn't have come back to meddle in South Korean politics after the Seoul coup.

When he wasn't there, it was merely a political struggle between Cho Gu-hwan's Unification Party and a group of Democratic Party members over the constitution of the Seventh Republic. Although there was a new national division brought about by 'genetic democracy' and localized collapses due to economic recession, South Korea was generally able to maintain its current status as a developed economy.

However, as soon as Li Xinghe returned to Seoul, he made two consecutive speeches that created a huge political upheaval, escalating the situation that could have been controlled within the parliament, all for the sake of his seven-nation alliance. It was practically a deliberate escalation of the crisis.

Li Xinghe may seem to have retreated now, but in reality, he has put the Democratic Party and their Democratic Alliance in a very difficult position.

This group of parties that support Korean independence and maintain a balance between the US, China, Japan, and North Korea, but in reality rely on the presence of US troops to maintain peace, has had their core foundation—the idea that 'Korea is a vassal state under US military presence'—emptied out by Lee Sung-ha through the G7 summit. To continue existing, they either need to disintegrate automatically after the G7 negotiations conclude and become subservient to Lee Sung-ha, or they must launch a rebellion during the G7 negotiations to restore the old order.

Is it that dangerous?

Li Xing chewed his gum.

However, Lee Sung-ha knew that South Korea's pro-democracy camp had twice sought help from neighboring countries. This indicated that even if Lee Sung-ha hadn't instigated the political turmoil, they were still determined to overthrow Cho Koo-hwan. Moon Jae-in, an outsider who had already been dismissed, was unaware of this.

Therefore, Lee Sung-ha patted Moon Jae-in on the shoulder:

"If a storm is inevitable, then enjoy the rainbow after the storm."

……

Similarly, in another government building opposite the parliamentary chamber, members of the Democratic Party gathered together, watching with great indignation as Lee Sung-ha spoke eloquently on television.

Kim Min-seok, who once coasted through his studies at Tsinghua University, pointed out sharply:

"This is a calling! This is his calling!"

In religious terms, a call to action is a common religious initiative in Christianity and Islam, often appearing after resolutions of various religious conferences to encourage believers to comply. Later, it was often defined as the precursor to 'Crusaders' and 'Jihadist movements'.

Although Lee Sung-ha denied rumors of a 'new integration movement' and Japan's potential re-annexation of South Korea, the negotiation process of the G7 cooperation agreement was tantamount to a declaration to kill off the old political parties.

"Is this really the end?" someone asked anxiously.

The actual organizer, Chen Shengjun, a veteran member and representative of the Democratic Party, firmly demanded: "Don't be divided by his conspiracies and tricks, and don't talk about being pro-Western or pro-China. He just wants to push for Japan to annex Korea. We can only have a chance to fight if we hold on to this point and bite it off."

That being said, everyone had their own thoughts.

Some left, and some joined. The economic model that has prevailed in Europe and America for decades still deeply binds many South Korean companies, political parties, governments, and schools. They cannot turn back, and thus glare angrily at Lee Sung-ha.

As Chen Shengzhun pointed out, South Korea is indeed undergoing social mobilization.

Schools, government offices, military camps, and businesses supporting Li Xinghe displayed a variety of banners in front of their gates.

"Asia-Pacific Revolution!"

"The West is the past; the Asia-Pacific is the future."

"The peace touted by the lackeys of Europe and the United States is merely a forced cooperation under the current state of political coldness and economic heat. Only a future where both politics and the economy are smooth can be a truly independent and autonomous peace for South Korea."

Such a slogan attracted a lot of support.

However, on the other hand, in the economic and political cooperation of recent decades, politicians, media outlets, businesses, and schools that have traditionally been close to Europe and the United States have also displayed banners opposing him:

"Oppose! The! Tyrant!"

"Li Xinghe is Ito Hirobumi, and Zhao Juhuan is the second Li Wanyong!"

"History has repeatedly taught us that if we lose our independence, we lose everything."

The opposition, by focusing on history and leveraging crisis propaganda from Western media, has also garnered a large number of supporters.

Intense media and public opinion clashes erupted, escalating to offline debates in restaurants and among students, with arguments taking place on virtually every platform. On YouTube, left-wing and right-wing populist bloggers took sides, passionately hurling insults at each other. They were well aware that the US military had largely withdrawn from Northeast Asia, including Japan and South Korea, and even more aware that this meeting would determine South Korea's future. Therefore, they fought fiercely both on and off screen, in the comments section, until their accounts were banned.

Even in South Korean churches, there have been instances of pastors and believers physically fighting in front of the altar of Jesus, resulting in shoes flying and blood flowing, simply because of differing beliefs during sermons.

In response, a KBS commentator expressed deep concern:

"South Korea has been completely torn apart at the crossroads of fate. We are like the Sunnis versus the Shia in Islam, completely divided in two."

Political commentators use their vocabulary very cautiously when making judgments:

"In any case, we all know that the Seventh Republic has only completed the preparation of its constitution. Perhaps the Seventh Republic will not be officially established until this war of public opinion ends."

Naturally, there are also questions from the public:

"The question is, who will initiate the call for holy war first?!"

As spring arrives, crows take flight, fleeing the increasingly restless Yongsan base in Seoul, and land not far to the east in front of the Seoul Central Mosque, shrouded in withered trees and bare branches. The crows see only the tightly closed gate in their eyes and refuse to open it.

Chapter 910: The Korean on the Rooftop, the Little Boy, and the Cherry Blossoms of the Collapsing Church (6000 words)

"Struggle! Struggle! A desperate struggle!"

At the headquarters of the Democratic Party in Yeongdeungpo-dong, the leaders of the Democratic United Front were in a state of utter confusion.

For them, this was a desperate struggle.

The sea was blockaded by the South Korean navy itself, and the South Korean military, a pure Showa-era army inherited from the old Japanese Empire, seemed destined to side with the warlord. This time, it was Lee Sung-ha, also from Japan, with an even purer Showa flavor.

Kim Minseok said with a heavy heart:

"The only thing we know is that if the G7 negotiations are allowed to conclude and they establish their so-called 'new integration movement' like the EU, not only will South Korea be annexed by Japan again, but we will all perish in the new political wave!"

They were helpless; Li Xinghe had pushed them to the brink. Unless they abandoned their decades-long-cultivated belief that 'Western countries are number one, and our democracy is number two.'

However, those who could give up would have already done so and gone to join Lee Sung-ha, such as Choo Mi-ae, who has been appointed Minister of Justice, and Moon Jae-in, who has been sidelined.

Therefore, party representative Chen Shengzhun asserted:

"We must attack."

Li Xinghe holds meetings during the day, and they organize people to cause trouble in the evening.

The Democratic Party has resorted to its classic tactics: