Yes, Prime Minister of Japan

At least from the perspective of the economically distressed West, the 16-year-old Queen of Australia and New Zealand, with her seemingly slightly protruding belly and waving her fragile little fist in front of the television, appeared so magnificent and dignified, as if she carried a mark that evoked memories of Europe's glorious era, as if she reminded people of her great-grandmother, Queen Elizabeth I, who had also given numerous war mobilization speeches on the radio.

In an instant, that queenly complex of wanting to be whipped ignited within me.

As one of the world's controllers of public opinion, the British media have intensified their attacks on Indonesia, criticizing Indonesian President Prabowo as a scoundrel with irrational intensity.

Our little Queen Charlotte is still the best.

Meanwhile, extreme white supremacists in Australia and New Zealand have been enlisting in large numbers, with over 30,000 white thugs joining the military overnight. Their reasons for enlisting are quite simple: the former are against the Indonesian invasion, and the latter are against Islam.

Civilian volunteer groups and Australian troops, disguised as civilians, entered Indonesian-occupied Papua Island from both the north and south, and quickly made contact with the local Papua Liberation Organization.

The Papua Liberation Organization, which was already on the verge of collapse, suddenly received comprehensive support, from weapons and ammunition to organizational funding, and even Starlink and intelligence. (The last part, "梅呢呢没林咏空你林在在没呢," is a nonsensical string of characters and doesn't translate directly. It's likely a result of OCR errors.)

On Papua Island, which had previously seemed peaceful with guerrilla activity only in the mountains, liberation guerrillas suddenly began eliminating pro-Indonesian collaborators, liberating villages and towns, driving out and killing Javanese colonists from Indonesia, and destroying mosques brought by the Javanese from Indonesia.

The guerrilla war waged by the people ignited Papua Island.

Besieged by multiple forces, Indonesia has suddenly found itself in a predicament.

The already limited foreign capital fled in droves, and wealthy Chinese businessmen in Indonesia turned tail and ran, fleeing to the Singapore Special Economic Zone, where they remotely controlled their conglomerates in Indonesia from across the sea.

The military government's support was already low, and now it has plummeted further following the defeat in Papua. Two conflicting mindsets have emerged among the Indonesian people: they feel that "the military government was responsible for all the past scandals," while simultaneously complaining that "what kind of government is the military government if it loses a war?"

The withdrawal of foreign capital, the flight of domestic capital, public discontent, and especially the accusations and chaos within the military have plunged Indonesia's central government in Jakarta into turmoil.

The presidential palace was in chaos.

"No, no, no..."

Don't underestimate the poverty of the young, the middle-aged, or the elderly.

President Prabowo, who only achieved his wish in his old age, now sits in a military conference in Jakarta with a bewildered expression, feeling as if he is still floating in the air, as if everything that happened is an illusion.

Prabowo Subiyando, as the son-in-law of the great scoundrel Suharto, did not feel that the invasion of Papua was his fault at all. Instead, he questioned the staff officers of the Indonesian Armed Forces:

"Who exactly said that Li Xinghe is temporarily unable to attend to Papua and the Solomon Islands?"

Unlike other countries, Indonesia's National Staff divides the various responsibilities of the military into more than a dozen staff positions, which are responsible for assisting the military government in governing the entire armed forces. Therefore, Indonesia's National Staff is also equivalent to the Ministry of Defense itself.

The intelligence officer, bewildered, tried to explain himself:

"That's right. His warships haven't entered Papua or the Solomon Islands for over a year."

Yes, the Indonesian military government discovered through the activity patterns of Li Xinghe's warships that he had never taken the two island nations seriously. Furthermore, with the Australian army easily defeated by Li Xinghe, and considering strategic assessments from three directions, they believed that a surprise attack on Papua New Guinea would allow them to quickly unify the islands and "civilize" millions of indigenous people from remote mountain villages into modern Indonesian citizens. They even envisioned conquering the Solomon Islands to the east, severely stimulating patriotic sentiments among the Indonesian people and making them forget the ongoing military government crisis and economic collapse.

As for Li Xinghe, he doesn't value this place at all and has never sent a warship here. He certainly won't interfere.

The Australian army is weak, while our army has a hundred Leopard 2 tanks; the advantage lies with us!

This bizarre "as long as I do this, he won't do anything" mentality is strikingly similar to India's peculiar thinking in 1962: "as long as I take one step forward, China will retreat."

But now, due to the invasion war and the infamy left from the earlier East Timor genocide, and also due to the global attacks by the British media, the Indonesian military government's reputation has become so bad that even their dearest Turkey is watching from the sidelines.

President Prabowo questioned his advisors:

"So what do we do now?"

The staff officers exchanged bewildered glances. History was unfolding differently than they had anticipated, and they hadn't prepared any further contingency plans. What could they do?

No one answered.

Chapter 895: The 30-Day Indonesian Dismemberment Plan and the Imposition of Taxes on Wanzhou (4400 words)

We must continue fighting!

Defense Minister Sjarif Samsouddin stood up and firmly demanded that the muddle-headed old man continue fighting.

A military government leader can be brutal, ruthless, and even licentious and shameless, but he must never show weakness or surrender in defeat.

Moreover, Defense Minister Samsoddin, like President Prabowo, is a close confidant and close associate of President Prabowo, and is suspected of involvement in the genocide in Aceh and East Timor, as well as the 97 hostage crisis and the 98 anti-Chinese riots. Although the court later issued a not-guilty verdict, this not-guilty verdict is tantamount to self-incrimination.

If the government were to collapse, given the extent of trouble-making by Li Xinghe and his gang, they would definitely pursue them to the point of genocide and eventually execute them all.

Therefore, they cannot retreat.

Taking a step back means facing the gallows.

“We cannot back down.” National Security Minister Dr. Madbouly also looked worried, feeling that his career was on the verge of collapse.

This mess originated from the economic crisis that led to the bankruptcy of many companies, the layoffs of a large number of employees, and the impoverished lives of farmers. The Indonesian government had originally planned to occupy East Papua, sell local mineral resources to European and American companies to raise money, and use the money to support companies on the verge of bankruptcy (mainly inefficient Indonesian state-owned enterprises), thus resolving its dilemma.

But now we've fallen into a localized conflict, and there's really nothing we can do but fight on.

For a country like Indonesia, where the dominant ethnic group cannot hold an absolute advantage, where clan politics are widespread, and where people are deeply immersed in chauvinistic imperialist propaganda and always like to portray themselves as a regional power, in their self-promotion, Indonesia is the leader of ASEAN and a major power that should be on par with China and Japan.

If Li Xinghe could make Indonesia abandon West Papua with just a few words, then the current government would be seen as traitors by the people.

Therefore, after a night of dizzying discussions, Indonesia held a presidential press conference the following day.

Prabowo said something very difficult to say:

History has repeatedly proven that the colonizers' victories are short-lived. Those who truly love their country will take up arms to fight the invaders. Our just cause against colonialism and aggression will surely triumph!

Such a huge international news story naturally attracted global attention.

British media spearheaded the effort, and media outlets across the East flocked to Tokyo.

Some say, "This is the first regional power struggle since the collapse of the US global order."

Li Xinghe, amidst his busy schedule, took the time to respond to Prabowo on Twitter:

"You're right, the East Timorese and Papuans think the same way. That's why they oppose the Indonesian Javanese's colonial invasion under the guise of so-called 'Greater Indonesianism,' as well as their heinous act of forcing people to convert to Islam. If justice exists, I think Indonesia is probably not worthy to stand up at this moment. I have only one demand of Indonesia: immediately allow Papuan independence, otherwise I will blockade the Java Sea within 30 days and punish the colonial criminals under the international order based on strength."

In fact, Li Xinghe held back his words. The real problem with Prabowo was the military government from Kudetta, which lacked popular support.

However, Li Xinghe himself launched the Ku Die Tower coup to seize power, so he was also implicated.

As for blocking the sea, this is indeed Indonesia's Achilles' heel. Indonesia is a country of thousands of islands; if the sea is controlled, the country will instantly disintegrate.

However, the Indonesian General Staff drew a different conclusion from these remarks:

“If we hold out in West Papua province for 30 days, Li Xinghe will give up. He’s just making empty threats now.”

After all, the actual combat situation in Papua was that Li Xinghe did not send troops to join the fight, but instead mobilized many Australian militiamen. It doesn't seem like the truth.

30 days?

They want to take over an island with 32 square kilometers of land, most of which is virgin rainforest, in just 30 days?

"Absolutely not." Both the president and the defense secretary were full of confidence.

……

However, in Port Moresby.

While Li Xinghe and Duchess Olympia were still helping the young queen with global public relations and teaching her how to showcase her regal charm, the Southern Command had already established the Papua Theater Command in Port Moresby.

Many of the coalition's generals rushed over to join the discussion and together commanded the militia in battle.

"The deployment of the Indonesian army is shown in the picture." (The rest of the text appears to be gibberish and unrelated to the initial statement.)

The staff officers opened the map, and the enemy's position was displayed in the dynamic combat system.

Due to the division of Papua Island by the Central Mountain Range, the north and south cannot support each other. Therefore, Indonesia established the 17th Fire Chicken Military Region on the north side of the island and the 18th Bird of Paradise Military Region on the south side.

Indonesia's military has a similar matching mechanism to the Southeast Asian region, similar to Vietnam and Myanmar, where a portion of the troops serve as a second-line garrison, while another field force is organized for mobile operations.

In practice, however, in places like Papua, Indonesia's two military districts have a combined force of less than 30,000 men. These include 18 so-called district commands, roughly equivalent to second-line infantry battalions, equipped with just a rifle. Aside from these are various engineer battalions, information battalions, and other logistical support units.

The actual armed combat forces of the 17th and 18th Military Regions were the Military Region Combat Brigade (three battalions) of the Fire Chicken Military Region and the Assault Battalion and Cavalry Detachment (one and a half battalions) of the Bird of Paradise Military Region.

Then there is nothing.

In other words, on this tropical rainforest island that could be divided into four provinces, Indonesia's core mobile armed forces consist of only four and a half battalions. This is why a brigadier general chief of staff would personally lead a combat unit, because their military region only has that one core combat battalion.

"We have a big advantage."

The Australian generals were very happy.

In the 320,000 square kilometers of pristine rainforest, towering mountains exceeding 2000 meters in altitude, and swampy marshes crisscrossed by rivers in West Papua, Papuan resistance organizations are being organized on a large scale. More than 30,000 white volunteers are arriving in Port Moresby, ready to launch surprise attacks on Papua's coastal towns and capital, seizing control of cities that are indistinguishable from villages, should they gain naval supremacy.

"Although this statement sounds like a flag, our advantages are indeed significant. Therefore, this is actually a holistic operational concept. What you need most right now is not soldiers, but missionary priests."

The person mobilizing manpower here was He Yang, who was on a temporary business trip, and the issue of the pastor he mentioned was the most urgent problem at the moment.

The coalition forces were not launching a Papuan independence movement, but rather a Christian Guard independence movement encompassing Maluku, North Maluku, Kalimantan, Bali, and other areas.

The time has come to play the Christianity card with Indonesia.

He Yang went to Port Moresby, and Zhang Xiaoqian returned to Changi Naval Base in Singapore.

The Southern Command also has its own military objectives here.

He consulted with his staff:

"Our first destination is here!"

His baton pointed to an archipelago opposite Singapore. The islands were so close that one could see the Riau Islands from Singapore.

"The Riau Islands Province."

The staff officers were not surprised.

The Riau Islands province includes the Natuna Islands, which have been the subject of many outrageous rumors circulating online. However, in reality, there have never been many Chinese people on the Natuna Islands. Apart from their extensive political integration in the Indochina Peninsula, the Chinese community in Southeast Asia has rarely been involved in politics in the islands.

In reality, the main problem with the Riau Islands Province is that it includes the Natuna Islands, which are close to the South Pacific, and has a huge dispute with China and the Allied Forces over oil and gas fields in the South Pacific. It also includes the Riau Islands, such as Tanjong Pinang and Batam, which are located on the south coast of Singapore. In fact, these islands affect Singapore's waterways and the access of the Allied Navy.

Furthermore, the Riau Islands have a large Chinese population, accounting for nearly 20% of the total population, and they are mainly concentrated in major cities such as Tanjong Pinang and Batam.

Someone asked:

"What about the second goal?"

Bangka Belitung.

Zhang Xiaoqian shifted his command southward to the Bangka-Belitung Islands, south of the Riau Islands. This 1.8-square-kilometer island had to fall under the control of the coalition forces. The local population was 30% Chinese.

Both the Riau Islands and the Bangka Belitung Islands originally belonged to the Sumatra region. They are small island groups separated by the Indonesian government to divide the region, and are located in the narrow sea area between Singapore, Malaysia and Indonesia.

Some staff members cautiously raised questions:

"What about our popular support?"

Zhang Xiaoqian took a sip of water and continued:

"In order to strengthen the status of the dominant ethnic group, Indonesia has forcibly implemented its Javanese education system and adopted the principle of free judgment when registering the dominant ethnic group, allowing people to write whatever they believe they are. Under such pressure, there are still 20%-30% Chinese populations in the Riau Islands and Bangka Belitung provinces, which is enough to show that the actual proportion of Chinese in the area is much higher than the statistics suggest. Moreover, as areas with a large Chinese population, the second largest ethnic group is Malay, and Indonesia has very few dominant ethnic groups, which makes it very convenient for us to carry out our work."

The staff officer responsible for writing the briefing for Li Xinghe stood up and asked:

What is its strategic significance?

Zhang Xiaoqian then pointed to the narrow waterway between Singapore and the Riau Islands:

"How can we allow others to snore under our own bed? The goal is to prevent Malay and Indonesia from attacking Singapore's waterways from the north and south, extending our territorial waters from the South China Sea all the way to the Java Sea. Controlling these two archipelagos will help us sever the connections between the Malay Peninsula, Sumatra, Java, and Kalimantan. We can establish a blockade here, preventing the three major Indonesian islands from sending troops between each other, and forcing them to watch as militias and insurgents triumph and enter the island's major cities. The sea route from Guangzhou to Singapore should be completely under our control, breaking the 'Strait of Malacca,' the chain that locks our throats!"

The staff officers nodded in agreement.

Looking at a map of Southeast Asia, these two provinces and three archipelagos happen to be important crossroads separating several surrounding countries and the three major islands of Indonesia.

Whatever the reason, these islands must be kept under our control.

Therefore, the Southern Command submitted a letter explaining its position regarding this plan to blockade the western seas:

"The boss's ironclad rule is: no large-scale landings. We only control a large area between Malaysia and Indonesia, hundreds of islands of varying sizes. I think occupying these strategically important islands does not prevent the boss from giving us strict orders."

In other words, the Southern Command's staff believed that Li Xinghe's decision not to launch a large-scale landing meant that he could not land on large islands such as Sumatra, Kalimantan, Java, and Sulawesi, where there were many supporters of the Javanese government, to occupy cities and engage in a protracted war of attrition with the Indonesian army.

However, by simply controlling the Riau Islands and Bangka Belitung Island, where the Chinese population is very high, and stationing large armies at key points along the sea routes, it is possible to divide and eliminate them, enabling local militias, religious guards, and political families on each island to become independent, thus dismantling Indonesia into an archipelago of nations. This is the established strategic line.

After the brief setup of the operational meeting, Zhang Xiaoqian suddenly had a question:

"Previously, when the allied forces marched into Southeast Asia, we called it 'The Dragon Soars Ten Thousand Miles.' Now, we aim to completely control the islands from Southeast Asia to the waters near Singapore and establish numerous affiliated states. What should we call this operational plan?"

Someone said something like:

"The army entered three thousand kingdoms."

……

Washington, D.C., the White House.

Vance was so excited that he danced around on the bed.

"They're fighting! They're fighting!"

Washington is delighted by the localized conflict between Li Xinghe and Indonesia.