Yes, Prime Minister of Japan

"Here's what we'll do: TSMC, move these core semiconductor companies to the United States first."

Such a smooth backstab, chilling Taiwan to the bone:

"what?"

Chapter 781: The Sinking of Taiwan, Enterprises in Exchange for Autonomy, and the Ascetic Mountain of Southeast China (5700 words)

"TSMC actually distributes 70% of its annual revenue to investors..."

The Taiwanese representative was eager to clarify that TSMC didn't need to be sold at all. Foreign investors already received 70% of the dividends from its shareholder-owned companies, similar to large Japanese and South Korean corporations where shareholders have already received a significant portion of the profits. TSMC employees' salaries are actually not high compared to other large corporations; it's a highly knowledge-intensive, labor-intensive industry.

But Vance didn't understand.

Furthermore, what is the relationship between international investors and Vance? Did they sponsor his campaign?

He would rather give more high-tech orders to the new military-industrial complex faction behind him.

"In any case, you must declare that all of Taiwan's high-end companies will be relocated to the United States. I only have this one requirement if you want asylum in the United States, and I don't think it's difficult."

Vance said those words and then left, abandoning his representative.

Taiwan's $500 million investment in meeting Vance was wasted.

Vance's attitude is even simpler than Trump's.

Since Taiwan has become a place where the United States is unable to directly send troops to support it during the Taiwan Strait crisis, and is short of troops and ammunition, and is still using the same long-legged Tom 155 howitzers as those used in the Huaihai Campaign, it seems unlikely that it will become a second Ukraine. In addition, Li Xinghe is a person who jumps back and forth, constantly changing his political stance, and like a roly-poly toy, he insists on his "no war in Northeast Asia" concept. Under such circumstances, the situation in Taiwan has become a burden for the United States in Northeast Asia.

Then we won't take it.

The underlying political stance of the Maga movement is to retreat from global dominance back to the Americas for supremacy, so winning is the only option.

As long as Taiwan, the most prominent barrier in front, is abandoned and the troops withdraw directly to the Mariana Islands in the second island chain, a local war can be avoided.

He could easily dismantle all of Taiwan's high-end companies and move them to the United States, plunder Taiwan's financial and foreign exchange reserves, and let the Magas (fans of Taiwan) be excited to see President Vance create high-tech jobs for them. Wouldn't that be a huge win?

As for the fact that Taiwanese companies are unable to relocate, that their shareholders are mostly American institutions, that Taiwanese finance is deeply intertwined with US stocks and bonds, and that they are leaving behind a wasteland for China, Vance and Maga don't care.

After the high-level meeting between the US, Japan, and South Korea in February failed to reach a consensus, the Taiwanese representative hurriedly approached Taro Aso, who has close ties with Taiwan, hoping to use this relationship to reach Li Xinghe.

Ayako Aso told Li Xinghe about the situation.

"They're here again."

Li Xinghe had no interest in making a fuss.

"No. Our current policy is very simple: peace in Northeast Asia is our highest core principle. We only have three ongoing immigration channels open to Taiwan."

Ayako Aso rubbed her hands together, hinting to Li Xinghe:

"What if high-ranking officials in Taiwan want to make contact privately, offering to exchange industry for immigration..."

Oh?

Isn't this the story of "Japan Sinks"?

Has Taiwan really gotten to this point?

Li Xinghe thought for a moment and decided:

"Um... I'll have Higashikawa Koichi handle things for me. I'll tell everyone that Higashikawa Koichi is my father-in-law, and that we have a very close relationship. But I won't acknowledge any promises he makes."

In any case, once this cross-strait conflict is over, these Taiwanese politicians, like Higashikawa Tsuneichi, will become a thing of the past.

Instead of meeting with the Taiwanese representatives, Li Xinghe held a private meeting with his brother-in-law.

Having just been thoroughly humiliated in bed by Zhao Lieshu yesterday, Li Xinghe coughed twice and asked:

How's things in China lately?

Zhao Juhuan rubbed his shoulders and sighed:

"It's still chaotic. But it's good that it's chaotic. At least the industry factions support me."

As a mere commander, Zhao Juhuan was incompetent in leading troops and his governance was, to put it mildly, inept.

Fortunately, he knew how to maintain his position and ensured his economic security by following Li Xinghe's lead, doing whatever Li Xinghe did. Li Xinghe suppressed agricultural cooperatives in Japan, opened up imports, and stabilized the currency exchange rate with the Renminbi; Zhao Guhuan did the exact same thing. In addition, Li Xinghe occasionally shared the profits, so although the South Korean people disliked the military government, they had benefited from Li Xinghe's cheap rice and received assignments for shipbuilding in the US, making it difficult for them to truly organize a resistance force.

As for what Zhao Gu-hwan is actually busy with, that's rather bizarre.

He is pushing the issue of genetic nationalism left by Li Xinghe.

In other words, Lee Sung-ha pushed the CIA to create ethnic divisions in South Korea, namely the Chinese faction, the Manchu-Mongolian faction, and the pure-blooded Korean faction, and to tear apart the political factions in the people through the division of families and genes.

But for South Koreans, focusing solely on genetics is insufficient; public acceptance is still lacking.

It depends on family background!

Therefore, Cho Gu-hwan tied genetic nationalism to the long-standing clan and lineage issues in Korea. After all, his Haman Cho clan was a prominent family that had immigrated from China. Cho Gu-hwan used this to unite a large number of prominent families with Chinese immigrant origins, such as the Haengju Ki clan and the Gyoha Lu clan, along with the Jeonju Yi clan, which represented the royal family, to form a ruling coalition.

This unusual alliance is known as the 'China faction,' but its official name is the Korean Party.

Despite its poor quality, it was a nationwide political party that included prominent families from all over South Korea.

The long-standing rivalry between Jeolla and Gyeongsang in South Korea has surprisingly shown signs of disintegration due to the combined influence of Lee Sung-ha and Cho Gu-hwan's family background and connections.

It can only be said that in South Korea, a country that has historically distinguished political factions by "region" and "family background," Cho Gu-hwan's China-affiliated policies, though disastrous, were a rare choice to transcend regional divisions and form a nationwide united party.

In this way, the situation is actually more stable than during the past battles between left and right parties.

Even Li Xinghe found it hard to stay calm after hearing this.

Is this a case of the more retro, the more powerful?

But he still gave the order:

"You'd better not handle matters of genetics, ethnicity, or social class yourself. Let those celebrities from prominent families help you."

Such grassroots divisions can easily backfire. And Zhao Juhuan, unlike Li Xinghe, isn't a master of playing with fire.

……

the other side.

The proposal by Ayako Aso, which was adapted from the novel and film "Japan Sinks" and involved exchanging high-tech industries for other countries' autonomous regions, actually appeared on the desk of the Legislative Council.

In Taiwan's Legislative Yuan, members of the Democratic Progressive Party, Koming Party, and Taiwan People's Party are engaged in a passionate debate on this issue.

The composition of legislators who support the relocation of industries is complex, mainly consisting of young people who are absolutely anti-communist and absolutely pro-American, with the largest number within the Democratic Progressive Party.

Within the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), a group of young legislators who emerged from the Sunflower Movement, such as Wu Pei-yi and Lai Pin-yu, have been speaking extensively in the Legislative Yuan:

“Relocate Taiwanese who oppose unification to safe zones established by nearby countries, creating an independent autonomous region for Taiwan, a country within a country. For example, to Sejong Special Autonomous City in South Korea, a place with plenty of housing and little land. Or the autonomous Chinese business park in the Philippines, or Hokkaido in Japan. In those places, use our current industries, economy, and foreign exchange to conduct business. Just like that small island nation that moved to Australia, we close our doors and become an autonomous family.”

Many young members of parliament lack a deep understanding of international politics and have long been influenced by the propaganda that "the international civilized society will definitely help us." Some even believe that as long as they ask, they can definitely reach an agreement.

A Kuomintang legislator asked in shock:

"Um... I have a question. Isn't this plan just like the one in the Japanese novel 'Japan Sinks,' where industry is traded for safe space, or even for special immigration zones and political governance? Is there any possibility of this happening? Do you think the South Koreans will give up Sejong Special City? Do you think the Japanese will hand over Hokkaido?"

Older Hokkien DPP councilors, with more localist stances, are resisting and rejecting the idea of ​​leaving their homeland.

"What should this case be called, a sophisticated case?"

"The sinking of Taiwan?"

The Taiwan Army often has development plans such as "Streamlining Project" or "Simplification Project" as a rule for streamlining the army and administration, so they are often titled with such and such.

Everyone thought this was wishful thinking.

However, the only option for Taiwan at present, besides firmly holding on and resisting, is to exchange industry for autonomous territory.

Therefore, the pro-unification faction within the Kuomintang (KMT), which has a strong anti-communist ideology, asked:

"Can all 2300 million people really be moved?"

But I also received an even more bizarre response:

"Of course not. At most... we can relocate people from the semiconductor, high-end chip, and electronics industries, plus young people from various universities. Maybe we can move a few million people?"

This statement immediately caused a rift within the Democratic Progressive Party itself.

Although the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) always touts the issue of indigenous people, it is actually a typical Hokkien faction in Taiwan, primarily focused on backdoor listings, with its underlying motivation being the struggle for political power by native Han Taiwanese. Therefore, older DPP legislators resolutely resist it.

However, because they focused on American-style colonial and indigenous political issues, the newly arrived Sunflower Movement youths, who were less concerned about ethnic divisions, were very dissatisfied with the older men's conservatism.

Divisions and infighting spread everywhere.

Opponents' criticism:

"This should be called the 'pro-Japan case,' the 'pro-South Korea case,' the 'pro-US case,' the 'pro-China case,' and maybe even the 'pro-Philippines case' is being planned? After going there, can we still maintain autonomy? Will it still be Taiwan? In the future, we'll all become Japanese, Koreans, Chinese, and Filipinos, right?"

The councilor from Tainan was extremely angry:

"What about the rest? Should we use them as cannon fodder and let them die in the gunfire?"

Because Tainan has the largest Hoklo population in Taiwan and its economy is increasingly impoverished, even lagging behind some of the poorer provinces in central and western China, it is quite difficult to balance votes and public opinion here.

“That Li Xinghe next door is awful. He neither supports us nor does he help us. He steals our islands and robs our immigrants.”

There were many voices complaining that Li Xinghe was not human.

However, amidst the clamor and arguments within the island, the bill for industry in exchange for immigration and autonomy was surprisingly pushed forward in a seemingly legitimate manner.

The reason is simple: those DPP lawmakers who shouted for Taiwan independence in the past never thought about taking up arms and going to the battlefield themselves. They just stirred up the emotions of their peers and sent themselves into politics.

Now that the fighting is really about to begin, in order to appease voters who don't want to go to military camps, they have no choice but to talk about emigration and fleeing.

The best solution available is to exchange industry for autonomy.

The call to go to Japan is naturally the strongest, and it holds a unique sacredness in the minds of young people.

After all, since the revision of the 108 curriculum guidelines, Taiwanese education has become increasingly de-Sinicized over the past decade or so, to the point that Chinese history is no longer tested. Instead, political and cultural ties with Japan have become increasingly close. Furthermore, military cooperation between Japan, Taiwan, and the United States is becoming increasingly intertwined.

Therefore, at the end of February, a formal Taiwanese negotiating team departed from Taipei and entered Tokyo.

The Taiwanese immigrants' representative hopes to have a chat with Li Xinghe.

In order to attract more Taiwanese immigrants, Li Xinghe openly met with them at the Cabinet Office.

The Taiwanese representative, Lai Pin-yu, born in 1992 and touted as the youngest female legislator, as a second-generation member of the Democratic Progressive Party, proposed to Li Xinghe:

"Prime Minister Lee, on behalf of the Taiwanese government, the Legislative Yuan, and the Executive Yuan, we would like to discuss with you a comprehensive plan for exchanging industry for immigration and self-governance. For example, all Taiwanese companies could be packaged together and handed over to Japan, while the Taiwanese government could be moved to Hokkaido, where we would exercise political autonomy. What do you think?"

Clearly, the immigrant representatives that the pro-independence government can currently must be those with very strong pro-independence political stances.

Li Xinghe scratched his head, and his answer was quite ruthless:

"Since you're here, make the best of it. In any case, there won't be any 'Taiwan Special Governance Zone' here. I must tell you that the issue of refugees across the Taiwan Strait is, for us, about finding a mutually beneficial way to settle people in Japan, where there are plenty of houses and few people, with a lot of vacant land and room for regeneration. In southwestern Kyushu, northern Hokkaido, and inland mountainous areas, we have also assigned Mandarin-speaking personnel from relevant town service teams to designated towns to assist you with your settlement."

Lai Pin-yu and her group of friends looked a little stunned.

They probably never expected that their good partner in the democratic world would be so ruthless and indifferent.

Li Xinghe casually reminded:

"Taiwanese companies are already relocating to Japan, with many large enterprises setting up operations in various cities and prefectures. If you don't want to follow the designated route, you can also go to Tokyo, Nagoya, Osaka, Kobe, or Shikoku and Tohoku at your own expense. We don't have any policy restrictions. In addition to government-funded and self-funded options, if you have connections with large corporations, such as the joint venture between Hon Hai (Foxconn) and Mitsubishi, you can also go through the corporate route."

Several Taiwanese representatives attempted to play the sentimental cultural card:

“There are some things we hope to have a little more freedom about. For example, Japan’s new curriculum now talks about the War of Resistance against Japan, national hatred, the harm of Japanese rule, and the Greater East Asia Co-operation Movement. These are still a bit unreasonable for Taiwanese people today.”

Before Li Xinghe could speak, Lu Yuchi and Hua Yingmei slammed their microphones and questioned him:

"Um...you mean, you think that TSMC's multi-billion dollar industry can be exchanged for political and economic autonomy, and that we should revise our textbooks to conform to the content of Taiwan's pro-independence camp?"

Unable to withstand Hua Yingmei's glare, Lai Pinyu blurted out a startling question to Li Xinghe:

"If I were to sing some songs about retaking the mainland in front of you now, such as 'Southeast Ascetic Mountain,' how would you feel?"

Of course, this is where the first mistake comes in. Southeast Ascetic Mountain is a mourning song, a lament for the homeland that can never be returned to, and the voice of the mainlanders in Taiwan, not a song of counterattack.

Li Xinghe thought she had some mental issues.

You sing about the ascetic practices of Southeast China to a warlord, and the warlord's attitude is, "Just another conscript." (The rest of the text is nonsensical and likely machine-generated gibberish.)

So he said it directly:

"I will send you, the one who sang this song, to Cambodia to see the Mekong River."

At first glance, it seems like there's no connection whatsoever, leaving even the Taiwanese immigration representatives baffled.

They didn't even know why Li Xinghe mentioned Cambodia and the Mekong River.

This stems from the issue of overseas Chinese.

Because the Kuomintang (KMT) was a political party built upon the foundation of overseas Chinese, it originated from donations and sponsorships from overseas Chinese and continued to receive donations from them for decades. Although overseas Chinese lived a hard and arduous life, they were extremely concerned about the cause of the Republic of China and the KMT, and formed a de facto single ethnic identity at the time, meaning that all Chinese people implicitly assumed that they possessed the nationality of the Republic of China.