Yes, Prime Minister of Japan

That evening, the two sides met at the Chunqiu Pavilion.

Fujii Teruo was also quite worried and asked Li Xinghe:

Do you have any other documents that can better prove your point?

"Please look at this."

At first glance, Teruo Fujii recognized it as a certificate issued by the U.S. government, along with several other certificates proving his graduation from Washington High School.

In order to protect his political career, Li Xinghe naturally needed Ayman's assistance. Taking this opportunity, Ayman helped Li Xinghe obtain an advanced degree from the CIA, a demand he couldn't keep.

Now, Li Xinghe is a genius teenager, a prospective Ivy League elite who will graduate ahead of schedule.

With the assurance from the United States, Teruo Fujii handed over his graduation certificate and other documents. To fabricate the facts, the graduation date on the certificate was deliberately arranged to be at the beginning of the year.

After a round of drinks and conversation, Principal Teruo Fujii secured government relief funds, and Li Xinghe received his graduation certificate.

Even so, after the meeting ended, Teruo Fujii did not leave completely.

The old man's emotions were rather unstable, and he secretly suspected the relationship between Li Xinghe and Katayama Mizuo.

He was constantly wondering if he would be betrayed.

Therefore, he paced around the parking lot repeatedly, at a loss.

The surveillance footage from the ryotei (traditional Japanese restaurant) was in Li Xinghe's possession. After reviewing it, he whispered instructions to Katayama Mizuo:

"Teacher, the principal doesn't seem as stable as he promised. There's only one way now."

Katayama Mizuo knelt beside him, her tone soft yet firm:

"any solution?"

Li Xinghe whispered something in her ear.

"Ugh?"

Katayama Mizuo's eyes widened. The poor math teacher, a girl with glasses, blushed like a little apple.

However, for the sake of Li Xinghe's career, she still resolutely drove out, changed into a sexy and well-fitting flight attendant uniform, her tall figure was charming, and a small silk scarf wrapped around her slender neck, showing off her restrained charm to the fullest. She wore light blue stockings and high heels, and deliberately passed by Fujii Teruo's car in the underground parking lot, so that the old man could see Katayama Mizuo's figure.

Although this tactic was rather crude, Fujii Teruo decisively confirmed that Katayama Mizuo was one of Li Xinghe's own people and would not easily betray him.

After Katayama Mizuo went upstairs, Li Xinghe shrugged at her:

"We're going to go all the way with this performance; we can't leave today."

"You did this on purpose, didn't you!"

Katayama Mizuo pouted, took off her high heels, and sat down next to Li Xinghe.

What do we do now?

Li Xinghe deliberately teased her:

"Would you like to see some of the new wife's training materials?"

"What 'new wife training'? No, that's too lewd..."

Katayama Mizuo lowered her swan-like neck shyly.

Unable to resist Li Xinghe's insistence, she leaned against him, and the two of them actually watched it in the restaurant...

Although Li Xinghe can't handle advanced mathematics, he can handle the advanced mathematics teacher.

That night, Katayama Mizuo learned how to masturbate students in the movie and then personally tested it on Li Xinghe.

"Whoa! How did it get in my face? You damn brat, you bastard!"

Of course, although she appears cute and gentle on the surface, Katayama Mizuhiro is actually a strict and tedious teacher at heart.

……

The following day, the opposition alliance held a press conference to expose Li Xinghe's falsification of academic credentials and work hours.

"They are definitely criminals!"

In response, President Teruo Fujii held a press conference in his capacity as president of the University of Tokyo:

"Prosecutor Jian's academic qualifications are beyond reproach! As an outstanding young man who grew up in the US and Canada, he exceptionally excelled at the age of 14, gaining admission to Georgetown High School, and graduated early at 17, receiving an offer of admission to an Ivy League university. However, out of concern for his mother, he chose to return to China and enroll at the East Asian Exchange Institute of the University of Tokyo. Under the three-year system, the school awarded him his diploma early this year as a reward for outstanding graduation. Good universities should not hinder talent development simply because of fixed systems. The examples I have cited here are all supported by documents from the US government."

When Teruo Fujii distributed the photocopies, the media reporters were all amazed by the strings of English on them.

Holy crap, is he a genius?

Of course, there were also reporters who relentlessly pursued the matter:

"So, regarding Mio's background as a prosecutor, where did he come from? Normally... shouldn't he have passed the bar exam to get the job?"

Teruo Fujii hastily shifted the blame:

"According to my inquiry, he is indeed a Level 2 prosecutor, and he was recruited by the Ministry of Justice through a special recruitment examination. Please consult the Minister of Justice for details."

What can the Ministry of Justice say?

Because Li Xinghe's identity was initially given to him by the Metropolitan Police Department's Public Security Bureau, he was borrowed by Mami Kaoru under the guise of the Public Security Investigation Agency.

In theory, Li Xinghe was still considered a prosecutorial officer at this point, and would have to wait another five years before officially becoming a second-level prosecutor. However, the current Chief Justice was Kamikawa Yoko, who obtained her position with Li Xinghe's assistance, and Kishida Fumio was now aligned with Koizumi. Therefore, Kamikawa Yoko had to find a way to allow Li Xinghe to be specially recruited.

However, if the opposition party relentlessly pursues this weakness, they will indeed be able to find fault with Li Xinghe's identity.

So after Li Xinghe got through to Koizumi and obtained the special recruitment certificate from Kamikawa Yoko, he immediately returned to the Special Prosecution Headquarters and gave orders:

"We must now strike back and regain control of public opinion."

Driven by a shared sense of righteous indignation, the prosecutors immediately prepared documents and had them delivered to the headquarters of the Reform Movement.

The following day, the Tokyo District Public Prosecutors Office officially issued investigation orders to dozens of people, including Nobuyuki Baba, Masako Mori, and Hitohiko Isozaki, to cooperate with the investigation.

The documents were escorted by bailiffs, with more than a dozen police cars clearing the way, and were delivered openly.

At the headquarters of the Restoration Party, Nobuyuki Baba and others stared in disbelief at the documents:

"Prosecutor's Office document: We are to undergo the first round of case investigation in a public setting at the Metropolitan Police Department or the Public Security Investigation Agency by June 25th. Failure to do so will result in consideration of forced arrest and questioning… This is an immense humiliation… This… this…"

This seemed to be Li Xinghe deliberately provoking the Reform Society.

The deadline set by the Japanese opposition alliance for impeachment was June 30, while Li Xinghe wanted to detain their leading figure of the war faction by the 25th.

If someone goes to the Metropolitan Police Department or the Public Security Investigation Department, that's Li Xinghe's territory, and the only outcome is either being detained or going to jail.

Nobuyuki Baba and the others seemed to see Li Xinghe looking down at them from the sky:

"Do you dare to defy the national judiciary?"

In most developed countries, far-right groups do not possess the wildness that the far-right should have, and are even more obedient to social order than the far left.

Nobuyuki Baba and his associates knew that if they did not cooperate with the investigation on the 25th, they would be seen by the public as unjust and corrupt individuals.

The battle entered its second phase, and Li Xinghe launched a full-scale offensive.

Left with no other choice, Hashimoto Toru, far away in Osaka, regained control and issued new operational orders.

"Rally! Protest! Down with the prosecutor who is fifty times more evil!"

This is his old method.

As long as an enemy is found, accuse him of being an enemy, make trouble and confuse the public, and gather people to cause trouble and delay.

In theory, this tactic is very effective where there are many supporters.

The problem is, this is Tokyo.

When the Osaka Restoration Association was preparing to gather people to cause trouble, they only managed to muster a few thousand people. However, as they raised their flags and prepared to march, Li Xinghe, who had already learned of this, dispatched Fuji Television to broadcast the event live. At the same time, he summoned numerous yakuza groups from Tokyo, who disguised themselves as supporters of the prosecutor and beat up the 'cult members' in front of the live cameras.

"Hey! Don't use force!"

Tokyo police stood by and watched, occasionally shouting a few words, but they didn't make any arrests.

The indulged supporters chased the Reform Society supporters for several kilometers, from the crossroads to the Reform Society headquarters, and even demolished the headquarters gate.

Fuji Television practically became Li Xinghe's support base at this time, constantly refuting rumors about him and producing a series of reports on the connection between the Reform Society and the Unification Church.

Even more impressive is the comeback of Masami Takikawa, who, with her multiple advantages—being the Prime Minister's wife, a single mother, and forgiving her husband's infidelity—cheering for Lee Sung-ha in front of the television station.

Takikawa Masami, visibly pregnant, playfully criticized the Meiji Restoration Party in front of a television station.

"The baseless accusations against the prosecutor fully demonstrate the senility, corruption, and incompetence of the lawmakers associated with the Unification Church. They don't believe that an outstanding young person can be powerful. Just as they don't believe that their corrupt practices will go unexposed."

Reimi Tsutsumi chimed in from the side:

"Wouldn't that make you seem too biased towards the prosecutor? After all, he also seems to have the problem of working too few hours."

Masami Takikawa, in her capacity as a pregnant woman and the Prime Minister's wife, publicly expressed her support for Lee Sung-ha:

“Even my daughter likes the prosecutor, but she doesn’t like the secretary-general of the Baba Group.”

This unreasonable tug-of-war won Li Xinghe a lot of money.

Audience favorability.

Meanwhile, in the chief judge's office at the Tokyo District Court, facing Takikawa Masami on television, Mizukage Tenpei grumbled at Li Xinghe:

“Look, how hard this old woman shakes her butt at you, like a Labrador Retriever.”

At this moment, the two people's postures were somewhat strange.

This time, Li Xinghe sat in Shui Jingtianping's lap, the two embracing face to face. Because Shui Jingtianping had a well-proportioned frame and was quite fleshy, it didn't look awkward at all.

Li Xinghe's doubts grew, so he consulted with Shui Jingtianping:

"That's strange. Why are the Reformists so aggressive inside? They're chasing after me, calling me by name and hurling insults at me. Logically speaking, at this point, shouldn't they have given in?"

Shui Jingtian let her thick, long hair fall loose behind her ears, and playfully pinched Li Xinghe's cheek:

What is the political foundation of the Reform Society?

Li Xinghe naturally said:

“Osaka Prefecture. More precisely, the poor people of Osaka Prefecture, and the local people who are dissatisfied with the political core of Kanto. We can roughly regard it as Japan’s Rust Belt, and these dissatisfied and impoverished people are the analogy for those old white men.”

This is one of the reasons why the people of Kansai and Osaka dislike the father and son, Koizumi Osamu and Koizumi Kojima.

Around 2000, due to the global wave of neoliberal economics, Japan, which had long adhered to the old system, gradually became unable to maintain its high operating costs and, with the support of Koizumi, began a large-scale economic privatization.

In this wave of liberalization, large corporations acquiring small businesses and the bankruptcy of SMEs became the dominant trend in Japan. Unfortunately, the Kansai region, especially Osaka, which thrives on alliances of small and medium-sized enterprises, became a victim of this wave, creating a large number of bankrupt urban poor and even multiple slums. Osaka's poverty rate was more than three times higher than the national average, and a large number of its residents relied on government poverty relief funds just to survive. Kansai companies such as Mitsui and Sumitomo Group fled to Tokyo on a large scale.

Back then, Koizumi caused such a stir in the Kansai region, and several years later, Toru Hashimoto, a TV actor with a background in the Tokyo yakuza, rose to prominence in Osaka Prefecture.

Through constant provocation, attacks on enemies, instigating verbal battles, and stirring up regional protectionism, he joined forces with right-wing groups such as Shintaro Ishihara to create the Osaka Restoration Party, which was supported by brainwashed fans, and ruled within it for a long period of time.

The Water Mirror Balance laid the groundwork for Li Xinghe:

"But the Reform Movement's governance was terrible. Didn't they end up cutting staff and reducing budgets too? So what are they lacking?"

Now that Koizumi has returned, he still adopts neoliberal policies and cuts staff. This is clearly the same governing method as the Restoration Party, but the Restoration Party has incited it to be a characteristic of Koizumi's terrible governance.

According to Li Xinghe, this was already one of the better aspects of the Koizumi government's work.

Suddenly, Li Xinghe understood.

He clapped his hands and said:

"The port district development fund! Yes, that's all they have. Their goal is to divert this fund to their 'Osaka Metropolitanization Development' project?"

Shui Jingtianping, with his wisdom and keen judgment, quickly guided Li Xinghe to find the crux of the problem.

The Osaka Restoration Party, to put it bluntly, is a far-right populist party. Their only skill lies in constantly inciting poor, ordinary citizens to defeat their designated "public enemies." But once they come to power, the party's corruption, incompetence, and stupidity are exposed.

Whether it's the Osaka World Expo, which became an international joke, or the disastrous Osaka gambling island, the Restoration Party only knows how to create more problems and then repeat the same old refrain: "Everything will be alright once Osaka Prefecture is upgraded to Osaka Metropolis."

By this time, the support for the Reform Movement had been declining for a long time, and they needed to find sufficient funds to get out of their predicament.

Thinking about this, everything became clear instantly.

Shui Jingtianping kissed him, jokingly:

What type of foreigners are most numerous in Osaka Prefecture?

"Chinese people."

This might be a very darkly humorous joke.

The neoliberal reforms initiated by Koizumi Izumi overthrew Osaka Prefecture, creating numerous urban slums filled with violence. The slums elected the Japan Restoration Party, a far-right populist party that outwardly claimed to be anti-China and pro-American. However, in practice, to secure funding and urban development, the Osaka Restoration Party forcibly demolished the slums of its supporters, transforming them into guesthouses and selling them to Chinese investors.

The result was that Osaka's poor supported the Restoration Party, demolished their own homes, and allowed a large number of Chinese investors to enter Osaka, occupying several major urban areas and becoming the masters of Osaka's poor. Osaka Prefecture even deployed a large number of police to demolish slums and sell them to investors for the sake of old city development.

More than 200,000 Chinese people live in Osaka, mainly running guesthouses, tourism, and underground financial businesses. They live harmoniously with the citizens of Osaka, which is infuriating the populist right wing in Osaka Prefecture.