The crazy guy from Hakoden, defeated the millions of gods!

As for the former, because they had very complete historical experience as a reference, the leaders of the Soviet Union and the Soviet Union had a clear understanding and provided good guidance.

In Soviet Russia, Vladimir and other leaders implemented a policy of suppressing rich peasants from the very beginning based on historical lessons.

In the countryside, small-scale production produces new capitalism and the bourgeoisie every day and every hour. The peasants either develop in the direction of the proletariat, gradually go bankrupt and become poor and lower-middle peasants, or develop in the direction of the bourgeoisie and become rich peasants and landlords.

In rural areas, there are naturally two ways to develop productivity. One is to take the capitalist path, bankrupt most farmers and turn them into cheap labor, and use the so-called myth of production enthusiasm to create a small group of rich peasants and landlords, concentrate most of the land in the hands of this small group of people, purchase agricultural machinery, and develop agricultural capital.

Of course, the proletarian regime will never choose to take this path. This is a development method that sacrifices the majority of people. In essence, it is developing capitalism, strengthening the power of the bourgeoisie, and will cause the proletariat to lose power.

Of course, they took the socialist path, allowing farmers to establish three-level cooperatives, and gradually realized agricultural collectivization by establishing mutual aid groups, primary cooperatives, and advanced cooperatives. They accumulated funds through agricultural collectivization, gradually established rural industries, purchased agricultural machinery, and realized agricultural mechanization. Farmers then became agricultural workers, which eliminated the class differences between the two classes of workers and farmers.

This choice means that the proletarian regime must support the power of the poor and lower-middle peasants in the countryside and strike at the rich peasants in all aspects.

Historically, when the Soviet Union first implemented the New Economic Policy, it caused severe class differentiation in the countryside, to the point that the rich peasants, a group of agricultural capitalists, controlled the countryside and controlled food.

They were very powerful. Not only did they create urban famine, they also established their own armed forces to openly confront the Soviet regime. They even supported their political spokesperson Bukharin, hoping to formulate more policies that were beneficial to them and make them the masters of the country from top to bottom.

Having learned this lesson, the Soviet Union did not implement the New Economic Policy. Instead, they borrowed Su Yan's historical experience and carried out a Soviet version of the Three Major Reforms, which took five years, and by 1922, they had completed the socialist transformation.

During this period, there was no large-scale food crisis, and there was no large-scale destruction of means of production such as slaughtering oxen. Through policy support, poor and lower-middle peasants gradually became the backbone of the rural areas, while the power of rich peasants was gradually weakened, and a small number of rich peasant forces that emerged to cause trouble were quickly suppressed.

Although some problems still arose in the specific implementation process, overall, the socialist transformation of Soviet Russia was a relatively complete success.

With the experience of the Soviet Union, Su Yan's achievements were even more fruitful. It took only three years to complete the socialist transformation.

In cities, an industrial system of public ownership was established, and in rural areas, three-level cooperatives flourished, agricultural productivity increased significantly, and with no other conditions changing, grain output increased by more than 10 percent year-on-year simply by changing production relations through collectivization.

After completing this feat, Su Yan faced new challenges.

Although the establishment of a three-tier cooperative system in rural areas is an important step towards socialism, it is not equivalent to the establishment of true public ownership in rural areas.

Public ownership means that the products and profits produced by enterprises can be uniformly allocated and distributed across the country. Both the Soviet Union and Soviet Union have achieved this in industry.

However, agriculture is not doing so.

Suyan's rural areas are vast, with uneven economic development levels, and are deeply influenced by the remnants of feudalism and clan forces in history. The cultural level and organizational ability of farmers are generally low.

Moreover, in many places, the organizational and management capabilities of cooperatives are insufficient, and conflicts of interest between members often occur. Some cooperatives have problems such as low efficiency and waste of resources in the production process, which has also affected the confidence of members in the collective economy.

All this shows that there were no conditions for realizing public ownership in the Soviet Union's rural areas.

Therefore, in rural areas, the means of production and products within the cooperatives still mainly belong to the collective ownership of the community, which can only be regarded as a kind of "collective ownership."

When it comes to rural issues, Su Yan has far more difficulties to overcome than the Soviet Union.

Against this background, two different voices began to emerge within Su Yan’s leadership.

In fact, as early as the period of the "Three Major Reforms", two different voices emerged within Su Yan.

They believe that Su Yan's "three major reforms" are moving too fast and pose too many hidden dangers, which will cause productivity to fail to keep up with changes in production relations, thus affecting the development of the entire country.

Therefore, they proposed that at least three five-year plans, or fifteen years, should be used to steadily develop productivity for a period of time. With sufficient productivity, Su Yan's socialist transformation would be realized naturally, which of course included agricultural collectivization.

This voice was led by Jiang Daoli and was supported by a number of revolutionary veterans such as Li Weilin, Chen Xiuquan, and Zhou Xuesheng.

However, Li Runshi opposed this opinion. He believed that this was actually an attempt to create a "transition stage" between the new democratic revolution and the socialist revolution. The essence of this transition stage was to develop capitalism and give the green light to the development of capitalism.

He believed that in Marxist theory, productivity determines production relations, but Soviet practice has proved that in a certain period of time, production relations can in turn dominate the development of productivity, and the superstructure can in turn determine the direction of the economic base.

Therefore, by establishing advanced production relations in rural areas, we can later promote the development of productivity.

At the same time, there are two kinds of productivity: one is to move forward, carry out socialist transformation, and develop socialist productivity, or to regress, create a so-called "transition stage" and develop capitalist productivity.

Mu Yuan firmly supported Li Runshi's views. At the Secretariat meeting, he publicly criticized Jiang Daoli by name, pointed out the harmfulness of his ideas, and stressed that Su Yan's socialist transformation could not be delayed or regressed, and must be moved forward unswervingly. Jiang Daoli made a public review under pressure, admitted his shortcomings in understanding, and expressed his attitude.

In addition, the Soviet Union also successfully completed the "Three Major Reforms". With the iron example of this Soviet brother as evidence, the Jiang faction's opposition voice disappeared.

After the three major reforms were completed, as some real-life problems emerged, the Jiang faction spoke out again.

Jiang Daoli personally led a team to investigate more than 100 rural areas in dozens of provinces across the country, and gained an in-depth understanding of the problems and difficulties in the process of collectivization. Finally, he wrote a detailed report entitled "Several Issues Concerning Agricultural Collectivization."

At the Secretariat meeting, he gave a three-hour public report, pointing directly to the deep-seated contradictions hidden in the current rural collectivization process: farmers' understanding and acceptance of collectivization, problems in cooperative management, and deviations in policy implementation by local cadres.

The disclosure of these problems has made the prospects for agricultural collectivization no longer so clear.

All of a sudden, the question of whether to develop agricultural collectivization immediately sparked widespread discussion and controversy within the party.

...

...

PS:

Many people may not know about that period of history. After all, the textbooks are all written in the Spring and Autumn style, which simply glosses over the struggle.

Dark Forest: Liberating the Three-Body Problem: Chapter 205: How Capitalism Was Restored in Su Yan

Jiang Daoli's report caused an uproar across the country. Almost overnight, the agricultural collectivization work that was originally in full swing across the country suddenly came to a standstill.

In various provinces, local leaders were working hard to promote agricultural collectivization under the unified command of the central government. The enthusiasm and initiative of farmers were also mobilized, and they participated in the construction of cooperatives.

On the cultural front, there were many progressive intellectuals who sang praises to the great achievements of agricultural collectivization.

For example, Xinyan Daily published a poem titled "Cooperation Field (Sweet)".

[The fertile fields are covered with green carpets, and the spring breeze blows through the wheat seedlings. In the past, I worked alone and suffered as much as the sea, but now I join hands and the world is vast.

The hoe is replaced by the iron ox, and the plowshare opens the chapter of hope. The good news of cooperation comes, and the poor land turns into gold and the whole land is fragrant.

Farmers work together to cultivate the land, and the harvest is plentiful wherever they shed their sweat. The scene of a good harvest is before our eyes, and the laughter of thousands of households in the villages is harmonious.

A road leads to the light, and flowers bloom in the cooperative fields. The working people are the masters of the house, and they work together to build a new future.

The mountains and rivers are dyed with red flags, and we work hand in hand with a firm will. The spirit of cooperation will last forever, and we celebrate reunion every year! 】

However, as soon as Jiang Daoli's report came out, these local leaders suddenly became hesitant. Faced with the collectivization work that had just started, they couldn't make up their minds for a while - should they continue?

Some people have political considerations. As the Secretary-General of the Central Committee, Jiang Daoli's report received the support of a number of central leaders, especially those old comrades who are influential in the party, all expressed their support for him. Therefore, these local leaders need to wait and see the political situation to avoid being inconsistent with the central policy and making mistakes.

Some people really began to doubt whether the leaders of the Secretariat felt that the previous decision was too radical and now needed to correct it.

As the director general in charge of national government work, Li Runshi did not realize the seriousness of the problem at first. He believed that the debate over agricultural collectivization was a difference in the line of thought rather than a fundamental struggle over the line.

After all, opposition and struggle between different ideas within the party often occur. This is the reflection of social class contradictions and the contradiction between new and old things within the party.

At that time, there existed a struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, between the socialist economy and individual economy and the capitalist economy, and between socialist thought and capitalist thought in Su Yan's society. This struggle affected the party and became the root cause of the differences in understanding within the party.

Therefore, Li Runshi initially believed that the opinions of the group represented by Jiang Daoli on agricultural collectivization were more about differences in development paths and specific policies.

Mu Yuan was a little angry.

Over the years, Jiang Daoli has left a good impression on him, making people feel that he is a loyal and capable cadre.

He shouldn't have been so angry.

However, he has learned far more historical lessons than people of this era.

Years of struggle have made Mu Yuan develop a habit of being highly vigilant against any signs that may threaten the socialist cause.

So, when the agricultural collectivization work in the country was in full swing and the enthusiasm of the majority of farmers was high, Jiang Daoli suddenly poured a bucket of cold water on it. What was his intention?

Obviously, bad guys will not say that they are bad guys, and those in power who are taking the capitalist road will not loudly clamor that they are going to take the capitalist road and turn all the workers and peasants in the country into wage slaves!

People can't be that stupid.

The capitalist-roaders also know that if they really promote this, they will immediately be overthrown by the people of the whole country.

Therefore, every capitalist-roader who wants to engage in revisionism will hide his actual purpose under bright and aboveboard slogans.

For example, they often use a high-sounding face and the banner of "developing productivity" to push farmers into the abyss of bankruptcy, lay off workers and allow capitalists to exploit workers and farmers at will. For another example, they say they want "democracy" and want workers to govern themselves instead of having the party lead, but in fact they want to turn a factory owned by the whole people into a collectively owned factory, and then step by step put the collective property into private pockets.

Mu Yuan has seen too many similar deceptive tactics like this.

Jiang Daoli's actions at this time reminded him of those evil capitalist-roaders in history and the extremely hateful things they had done.

He immediately invited Li Runshi to his residence to discuss the matter in detail.

Li Runshi arrived soon, and as soon as he sat down, he heard Mu Yuan bluntly state that Jiang Daoli would be dealt with seriously.

Li Runshi was puzzled and said, "Old Mu, everyone is saying that Secretary Jiang dares to speak the truth and dares to resist authority.

As a result, Lao Mu, you..."

After hearing Jiang Daoli's report, Li Runshi was surprised, but he thought that it was just a frank pointing out of some problems in agricultural collectivization work.

As a result, Mu Yuan said he would remove him from his position, which really seemed like retaliation.

After all, the policy of agricultural collectivization was vigorously promoted and finalized by Mu Yuan himself, and there were many voices of opposition at the beginning. Therefore, it goes without saying who the authority was that Jiang Daoli was rebelling against.

Hearing this, Mu Yuan slowly shook his head and said, "Runshi, you have seen too few capitalist-roaders. You were actually bewitched by Jiang Daoli for a while."

He pointed out that Jiang Daoli's report had many problems. The part about the results consisted of only a few dozen words, but he spent a full three hours talking about the problem after the word "and".

There are certainly advantages and disadvantages in the work of agricultural collectivization, but Jiang Daoli's report is all about the disadvantages. Obviously, his purpose is not to tell the truth or point out the problems, but simply to deny the general direction of agricultural collectivization.

Mu Yuan's advice made Li Runshi react immediately.

There are often contradictory contradictions within a thing, such as progress and retreat, advantages and disadvantages, which are all contradictory contradictions.

However, what determines the nature of things is the dominant contradiction, and for the work of agricultural collectivization, the main thing is naturally the benefits. From the perspective of the increase in grain production across the country and from the perspective of class interests, the benefits far outweigh the disadvantages.

However, Jiang Daoli is clearly saying that the disadvantages outweigh the advantages. On the surface, he seems to be exposing the shortcomings in the work, but in fact he is using a "left in form but right in essence" approach to cover up his negation of the socialist line.

Seeing that Li Runshi had come to his senses, Mu Yuan took out another thick book. There was no title on the cover and the binding was so simple that it almost made people doubt whether it was an important book.

He knew that Li Runshi was still too young, only in his thirties, and he was still learning and practicing many theoretical and struggle things. The capitalist-roaders were very deceptive, and without years or even decades of struggle, it was usually difficult to see their true colors.

"Runshi, this is a top-secret historical document," Mu Yuan whispered, his tone filled with some inexplicable meaning, "Study it and see how those capitalist-roaders in history deceived the people step by step."

Li Runshi took the book and felt its heavy weight.

As soon as he opened the cover, he saw the title of the book.

How Capitalism Was Restored in Suyan

Dark Forest: Liberating the Three-Body Problem: Chapter 206: Exploitation is meritorious, moderate exploitation, and being a rich peasant party member!

After talking with Li Runshi, Mu Yuan invited Hua Xiongmao, Yao Wuchang, Wang Chunjiang, He Qing, Ling Qianzao and others to come for a brief discussion.

After the discussion, Hua Xiongmao immediately went to the northeast region, Yao Wuchang went to northern Vietnam, Ling Qianzao went to Guang Province, and He Qing and Wang Chunjiang went to western Shanxi and eastern Shanxi provinces.

Soon after, the Suyan Daily published an editorial titled "Who Says Chicken Feathers Can't Fly to the Sky?" This article bluntly exposed the struggle between the two paths of socialism and capitalism that currently existed within the Suyan Party.

It says: "In Su-Yan, the rich peasants are very weak, but the rich and relatively rich middle peasants are quite powerful, accounting for 20 to 30 percent of the rural population. In Su-Yan's rural areas, an important aspect of the struggle between the two roads is manifested through the peaceful competition between the poor peasants and the lower middle peasants and the rich middle peasants.

In two or three years, who will increase production? Will it be the rich middle peasants working alone, or the poor and lower-middle peasants working in cooperatives?

At the beginning, it was only a cooperative composed of some poor peasants and lower-middle peasants who competed with the rich middle peasants who worked alone, and the majority of the poor peasants and lower-middle peasants were just watching. This was a battle between the two sides for the masses.

Behind the poor peasants and lower-middle peasants, on the other side of the cooperatives, stands the Communist Party.

Behind the well-to-do middle peasants stood the landlords and rich peasants, and the bourgeoisie within the Party! They had originally secretly supported the well-to-do middle peasants. But now, there is such a voice within the Party, which promotes [moderate exploitation], [ensuring private ownership], and [the four freedoms], and actually openly supports the well-to-do middle peasants, opposes collectivization, and opposes the socialist path! "

This editorial is undoubtedly a direct attack on the voice within the party, that is, on Jiang Daoli and his group!

Soon, the editorial caused a strong response across the country.

Hua Xiongmao, the first secretary of the North East Bureau of Su Yan, quickly expressed his position. He pointed out at an important meeting of the North East Bureau: "Su Yan's North East region is one of the first few regions in the country to be liberated. However, in recent years, capitalist forces in rural areas have been quietly developing, new rich peasants have emerged everywhere, and many well-off middle peasants are striving to turn themselves into rich peasants, while many poor peasants are still living below the poverty line due to lack of means of production. Some of them are in debt, and some have even sold their land.

If this situation is allowed to continue, the countryside will inevitably face class polarization. Farmers who have lost their land and those who are in poverty will blame us, accusing us of not helping them and not helping them solve their problems.

Su Yan's regime is based on the worker-peasant alliance. Once the peasant masses oppose us, the worker-peasant alliance will be destroyed, and Su Yan's proletarian regime will be shaky! This is definitely not the result we want to see. We must not let these voices against socialism influence our direction! "

Soon, Li Runshi also pointed out at the expanded economic meeting: "We must do a big job and run the cooperatives frugally. We must seize typical examples in the cooperative movement and vigorously promote them through publicity to increase the confidence of the majority of farmers in running cooperatives."

He said: "During the cooperative movement in Zunhua County, there was a Wangfan Cooperative. Twenty-three poor peasants had only three donkey legs, and it was called the 'poor stick cooperative'. Such a poor cooperative, through its own efforts, brought a large amount of means of production from the mountains within three years, which moved some visitors to tears.

I think this is the image of our entire country, and this "poor Korean community" is the microcosm of our entire country!

Can't the 500 million poor Koreans build a socialist country that is rich and strong through their own efforts in a few decades? The wealth of society is created by the workers, peasants and working intellectuals themselves. As long as these people take control of their own destiny and have a Marxist line, and do not avoid problems but solve them with a positive attitude, any difficulties in the world can be solved. "

At the same time, at research meetings in North Vietnam and Vietnam, Yao Wuchang also conveyed the central government's spiritual instructions without ambiguity. Facing a group of local cadres, he said in a serious but confident tone: "The enthusiasm of farmers in individual economy and their enthusiasm for mutual assistance and cooperation reflect the dual nature of farmers as both laborers and private owners.

Starting from the nature of farmers as laborers, developing their enthusiasm for mutual assistance and cooperation shows that farmers can be led to socialism. On the other hand, the enthusiasm for individual economy developed from the nature of farmers as private owners and sellers of agricultural products shows that the spontaneous tendency of farmers is capitalism.

Comrades, don't be confused by Jiang Daoli's report, just go for it! We are the Communist Party, we want to take the socialist road, our policy must guide the enthusiasm of farmers' individual economy to the track of mutual assistance and cooperation, overcome the tendency of spontaneous capitalist forces based on individual economy, and gradually establish socialism in the countryside! "

He Qing and Wang Chunjiang arrived in Jinxi Province. At a meeting held in Jinxi Province, provincial cadres reported in detail on the progress of collectivization. The two learned that collectivization in Jinxi Province was very successful, especially in the extremely poor mountain valleys. Many poor villages got out of trouble through collectivization, grain production increased a lot, and farmers' lives were significantly improved.

Afterwards, the two men acted separately and visited more than 300 cooperatives in western and eastern Shanxi provinces respectively to learn about the situation personally.

After they came back, they immediately compiled the information. After several days of sorting and writing, they summarized the successful experience of collectivization in western and eastern Shanxi. They also exposed the obstruction and sabotage of some backward-minded cadres, and finally wrote an article "Socialist High Tide in Su Yan's Rural Areas."

The Suyan Daily published the report, along with notes written by Mu Yuan and Li Runshi for the report.