Germany does not seek survival

"About a week is best! No longer."

Mrs. Zetkin said first: "The Red Guards from Leipzig should be able to be transferred to Berlin within a week."

The Second Division of the Wehrmacht has been secretly mobilized and is preparing to go to Leipzig. Faust is well aware of the military strength of the Leipzig Red Guards. They are small in number, and their weapons, equipment and training level are very poor. Even if they can rush to Berlin to join the battlefield, they can only be regarded as an insignificant addition.

Paul Levi assured him, "The Strasser brothers have a strong influence on the Hamburg trade unions. The Hamburg sailors and the Hamburg Red Guards will be able to arrive in Berlin in a short time."

Hamburg is a coastal port and was on the front line during the war. Its level of militarization was certainly much higher than that of Leipzig, which is located in the inland.

Moreover, there are many revolutionary sailors with left-leaning political stances in Hamburg. Just like the People's Navy Division, these people can become qualified regular troops with a little training and integration.

However, Faust was very skeptical whether Luxemburg could still command the Strasser brothers.

Paul Levi vowed: "I have a very good personal relationship with the Strasser brothers. I can definitely convince them if I go there myself."

Faust's evaluation of the Luxemburg faction in his heart dropped another level. At this time, can he expect to rely on personal connections to command an army?

However, Faust cannot be too harsh on his Luxemburg comrades.

Most of them were members of parliament before the outbreak of World War I. Of course, they knew nothing about military affairs and more specific administrative affairs. During World War I, many of them were imprisoned in William II's cell for four years. After regaining their freedom, they still had a political sensitivity close to that of the National Socialist Party, at least much better than Kautsky.

They have little practical experience in military and administrative work, so of course they make many mistakes and omissions in their specific actions, which makes them appear childish and ridiculous.

Another general of the Luxemburg faction, Karl Bernhardovich Radek, had a rather special identity. He did not stay in Germany during World War I, so he did not sit in the prison of the imperial government. Instead, he went into exile in Switzerland and stayed with Lenin.

After the February Revolution in Tsarist Russia, Radek followed Lenin to Russia. From the February Revolution to the Moscow Revolution, Radek followed Lenin and accumulated a lot of concrete experience in armed revolution. He could be regarded as a pragmatist.

Radek immediately opposed Paul Levi's idea: "The Second Revolutionary Armed Uprising is a major secret. If the news is leaked before the action, we may be politically pursued by Ebert. Before the uprising even starts, the German Communist Party will have to expel us Luxemburgists from the party! The uprising plan must not be leaked to politically unreliable people."

Paul Levi remained stubborn: "The Strasser brothers are both reliable. They are absolutely revolutionary socialists."

Luxemburg slammed the table and said, "We can't tell the Strasser brothers about the uprising plan in advance."

After Luxemburg finished speaking, Paul Levy could only give up his own plan dejectedly, but Paul Levy still emphasized:

"Hamburg has industry, a naval port, a strong trade union, and the revolutionary sailors support us. In any case, it is an important revolutionary base. If Berlin doesn't work out, we can always go to Hamburg."

After so much debate, Faust finally understood that it was impossible for the Luxemburgists to launch a revolution with the National Socialist Party before the election of the Constituent Assembly began.

Although the Luxemburg faction supported Faust's idea of ​​a second revolution, they were restricted by the party discipline of the German Communist Party. They could only wait until the National Socialist Party fired the first shot before taking advantage of the situation to persuade Liebknecht.

Faust was not too disappointed. The inability to obtain the concerted action of the German Communist Party was within Faust's expectations. Otherwise, he would not have arranged vehicles in advance and arranged for Rathenau to transfer important industrial equipment.

Faust could only reach a gentleman's agreement with Luxemburg, saying: "Comrade Rosa, the Wehrmacht plans to launch the Second Revolution around Christmas Eve. Please make sure to prepare in advance. After the armed uprising begins, no matter what, as long as the Central Committee of the German Communist Party passes a resolution to revolt, please start the uprising as soon as possible."

Luxemburg felt sorry for herself. She took Faust's hand and placed it on her chest:

"Faust, the fate of Germany and the world revolution rests in your hands. We can only wait for your action."

Faust had nothing to say. After leaving the Luxembourg apartment, he took a car to return to the General Staff Building. Along the way, all he heard and saw was the Social Democratic Party's fierce attacks on Faust and the National Socialist Party. If this trend continued, public opinion and hearts would really turn away from the National Socialist Party.

A solemn atmosphere surrounded Faust. When the car passed the Dorothea City Cemetery in Berlin, there were already several other Mercedes-Benz cars with National Socialist Party flags parked on the roadside.

Faust waved his hand to stop the car. He opened the door and immediately saw several comrades waiting on the roadside.

"Rommel, Sorge, and...Adolf!"

Both Hitler and Rommel were ordered to rush to Berlin. Rommel's job was to command the secret transfer of the Second Division of the Wehrmacht, while Hitler came to Berlin to assist the Second Revolution.

As for Sorge, because of his ambiguous relationship with the German Communist Party, Faust had already decided to exclude Sorge from the leadership core of the National Socialist Party.

The reason why Sorge can return today is that Hitler did a lot of political work behind the scenes.

In the past, Hitler and Sorge had the worst relationship within the party. Hitler was able to soften his stance, swallow his pride, and personally write a letter to Sorge, urging him to turn back from his wrong path. This really gave Sorge a lot of face.

The immature and poor political performance of the German Communist Party over the past month should have been the trigger that finally made Sorge decide to return to the National Socialist Party.

Faust was very happy that his brother was there after going through all the hardships and Sorge was able to come back. Hitler and Rommel's arrival in Berlin at this time also invisibly relieved a lot of pressure on Faust, which made him feel particularly relieved.

Hitler took off his military cap, used it to brush the snow off Faust's shoulders, and smiled faintly: "My Führer! The KPD is short-sighted. We will do it ourselves."

Rommel stood straight with a serious expression: "The Republican Division has been transferred to Leipzig. Sir, as long as you give the order, the Republican Division will immediately enter Berlin."

Sorge's expression was still somewhat gloomy: "Liebknecht is such a great figure in the history of the German Revolution. Could he make the wrong decision?"

The Dorothea City Cemetery had been dyed silver by the falling snow. Faust led a few people to walk among the densely packed tomb corridors. When they reached the densest area, everyone stopped in unison. Many important figures in German history were shoulder to shoulder here, crowded in such a narrow space.

In front of Tomb No. 18, Hegel's tomb and Fichte's tomb are right in front of you.

Napoleon's invasion of Prussia deeply galvanized Fichte, who then confirmed that the German people's natural duty was to establish a just and powerful state. Unable to contain his social responsibility, the philosopher often left his study and classroom to deliver impassioned speeches.

Hitler walked to Fichte's grave and recited Fichte's works in front of the most famous patriotic scholar in German history:

"...My friend, is there still a German heart in your chest? Then let it beat! Is there still German blood flowing in your body? Then let it surge!"

Fichte was Kant's most proud student. When Faust looked at the passionate Hitler, he thought of Kant.

Kant differed significantly from Hegel and Fichte. Despite his lifelong seclusion in the countryside, he possessed an exceptionally broad mind. He believed in human reason and concluded that humanity would overcome antisocial tendencies and achieve sociality, overcome confrontation and move toward harmony. Furthermore, states would regulate their own behavior, gradually establishing a sound international alliance and ultimately establishing a universally recognized "civil society with universal legislation."

In fact, the concepts of "nation-state" and "world union" seem to be contradictory, but they constitute the paradoxical structure of modern European political philosophy. The two are based on each other, are the premise of each other, complement each other, and rotate in a vortex.

Faust prefers Kant's ideal of transcending borders and boundaries. National sovereignty has partial rationality, but Europe's bloody history has long proved that excessive publicity of this will inevitably be a disaster for mankind, and the common free union of mankind must be the ultimate direction.

Chapter 198 Sparks of Fire

The society that Kant talked about is an orderly and harmonious combination of human beings. In his mind, using the overall rationality of human beings to overcome the anti-social state is far more important than the national spirit emphasized by Fichte and the state theory emphasized by Hegel.

In Faust's letter, Kant's spirit is undoubtedly closer to the wealth that Marx excavated from German philosophy.

The free association of all free men.

This is the true meaning of communism.

As the action was about to begin, Faust stopped in front of the tombs of Hegel and Fichte. The light shone from behind Faust, illuminating a white edge of fallen snow. The neat military uniform on his body looked like a flag.

Hitler had full confidence in Faust. It would be more accurate to say it was a religious belief. He always believed that under the leadership of Faust, the National Socialist Party could only achieve one great victory after another.

To this end, Hitler willingly obeyed all of Faust's orders.

Everyone's eyes were focused on Faust. The light created a psychedelic and hazy Tyndall effect among the snowflakes. In the pale light column, countless dust and snowflakes were dancing, as if overflowing with holy light.

At this moment, Faust is like a living saint.

"Before Christmas Eve, the Republican Division will move from Leipzig to Potsdam. Once Berlin sends the signal, the Republican Division will immediately enter the city to engage in battle."

Hitler inquired: "Which units and departments should we prioritize?"

Faust swept his stern gaze across the crowd. "There's no need for the various units to split up and control important locations within Berlin. We have only one target: Albert. Once the operation begins, both the Great German Division and the Republican Division must go all out to advance towards the Chancellery, seize control of it, and kill Albert!"

"Once Albert is found, he must be killed without having to be captured alive."

Faust's voice seemed to carry a hint of metallic friction, like a mechanical tone: "I repeat again, if you find Albert, you must kill him on the spot!"

After saying this, Faust paused for a moment and added, "If you find Ludendorff and Noske, do the same. Kill them on the spot. Don't give the enemy any chance to turn the tables."

In Faust's view, the SPD, as a century-old and major party in Germany, is now highly dependent on Ebert's cunning political tactics.

Apart from Ebert, neither Noske nor Scheidemann had enough prestige and ability to unite the pan-right camp.

As long as Albert is killed, the pan-right camp will be plagued by internal conflicts and will quickly collapse, making it impossible for them to take any major unified action or counterattack.

Apart from Albert, Ludendorff still has the possibility of uniting the pan-right-wing military personnel in the military, so he is also a powerful enemy that needs to be dealt with.

As for Nosk, Faust's desire to get rid of him is more due to Faust's personal hostility towards Nosk, his lackey.

"Our National Socialist Party is the noblest and most selfless revolutionary group in all of Germany. Perhaps we are not as good as the Independent Party in theory, and our influence among workers is not as great as that of the German Communist Party, but the National Socialist Party is a revolutionary group with a military flag. Guided by the Iron Cross, from the moment the National Socialist Party was founded, no matter how powerful the enemy is, no one can stand against us on the battlefield."

The flag used by the Red Wehrmacht was different from the flag of the National Socialist Party and still retained the Iron Cross element from the German Empire period.

The new military flag is a red flag with a red background. Above the red background, the flag is divided by a black and white striped cross. In the upper left corner is a classic iron cross pattern. In the center of the black and white striped cross is a circle with a white background. In the middle of the white circle, just like the party flag, there is a black sickle and hammer pattern.

"The German revolution has now reached its most dangerous moment. The Ebert regime is colluding with the reactionary military. They are preparing to sell out national sovereignty to the Allies, cede territory and pay indemnities in exchange for military aid and armed intervention from the Allies. They will then use this power to attack the newly born revolutionary republic."

"The Independence Party is obsessed with parliamentary struggles, the KPD is hesitant and troubled by the question of political legitimacy. History has placed the heavy responsibility of resisting the reactionary blue-grey alliance in the hands of us, the National Socialists, and our Wehrmacht."

Faust stood in front of Hegel's grave, raised the hem of his military coat, and ordered: "Now, as the head of the Supreme Revolutionary Committee of the National Socialist Party, I demand that all units of the Wehrmacht initiate an offensive strategy and take action to save the fate of the German revolution."

"Operation codename: Valkyrie."

Sorge stood on the snow in the cemetery, quietly watching the revolutionary leader Faust's impassioned speech, the hysterical Hitler and the restrained Rommel, and clenched his fists.

Among the Social Democratic Party of Germany, Sorge finally chose the National Socialist Party, but he really did not want the National Socialist Party and the German Communist Party to break up. Couldn't these two parties with the same goals merge into a fighting revolutionary group?

Sorge looked at Faust again. He always had infinite admiration for Faust, but Sorge also felt deeply that Faust's ambition had become stronger and he would never be willing to be inferior to others.

What percentage of the split between the National Socialist Party and the German Communist Party was due to the ideological differences between the two parties, and what percentage was due to Faust's personal ambition?

The continuous and resounding victories have shaped Faust's unique image that is different from any other German revolutionary. As long as Faust stands on the battlefield, Sorge can hardly control his admiration for such a great hero. He secretly makes up his mind that for the National Socialist Party and for Faust, he, Sorg, must become the backbone and pure force of the National Socialist Party. Even if he is torn to pieces, he must not let the National Socialist Party go astray.

While being full of enthusiasm, Hitler did not forget to continue paying attention to the changes in Sorge.

On the battlefield, Hitler was the most passionate propagandist, but on the political stage, during this period, Hitler was left in Munich by Faust to coordinate the overall situation. He has increasingly shown his extraordinary talent in politics and power struggles, which he has learned without a teacher.

Hitler narrowed his eyes. He was fortunate to be born in the same era as a hero like Faust, so he must support Faust to become the only leader of Germany. Then, Hitler would follow Faust to fulfill his dream, transform Germany as a country, and then transform the entire world.

For this, Hitler was willing to pay with his life.

He could not tolerate the existence of a Faustian dissident faction within the National Socialist Party, but there was still a place where Sorge's intelligence capabilities were useful. For the sake of the "great leader", Hitler was not afraid to do any dirty work. If Sorge made any more moves, the Cheka, as the National Socialist Party's internal intelligence agency, would be qualified to monitor the Stasi.

After the secret meeting in the cemetery, Faust did not bring Hitler and Rommel back to the General Staff Building to avoid alerting the enemy. He asked Rommel to return to Leipzig to take charge of the troops, while Hitler took two Cheka action battalions to Potsdam in advance to make preparations, and only returned to the General Staff Building with Sorge.

After returning to the General Staff, Faust shook hands and said goodbye to many officers who were to be relocated to Munich. Some smart people also sensed the undercurrents beneath the current calm situation.

However, these General Staff elites are considered outsiders in today's Berlin, whether to the Ebert government or the left-wing coalition, and have little say.

So most people didn't say anything more, but just quietly got on the Wehrmacht vehicles and soon left Berlin under the cover of night.

The sky was dark and snowy. After a busy day, Sorge accompanied Faust to the balcony on the second floor of the General Staff Headquarters to rest. Faust looked at the calendar, then at the full moon at the zenith, and calculated the time:

"There are still four days until Christmas Eve."

After Sorge integrated the information from various Stasi intelligence stations, he focused on analyzing the various news from the Rhine River and reached his conclusion at this time.

Sorge said, "There's not much intelligence coming from the Rhine now. We can assume that Ludendorff has imposed martial law there. The Western Army will likely leave the Rhineland Front in the next two days. If they don't use railroads to mobilize troops on a large scale to avoid alerting the enemy, they should arrive in Berlin in about four days, around Christmas Eve."

"Because Christmas Eve or Christmas Day is a special time, we have reason to believe that the Abbott regime's coup plan will be launched on December 24 or December 25."

Once Sorge regained power in the Stasi, he indeed performed better than anyone else in the field of intelligence warfare.

Faust rarely smokes or drinks. He has a strong ability to withstand pressure and most of the time he does not need liquor or cigarettes to relieve his mood.

Today, Faust rarely lights up a cigarette, and it is still Germany's most affordable Eckstein cigarettes. There is a number five on the green packaging box, so it is nicknamed Green Five cigarettes.

After the cigarette butt was lit, it was like a small but blazing lamp in the dark night. Faust flicked out a few sparks. He watched the sparks fly higher and higher in the wind and snow, and said:

"The prairie fire has begun."

Chapter 199: All-out Civil War

Until December 24, Ludendorff was busy mobilizing his six divisions of the "National Army" from Braubach to Spandau on the west side of Berlin. The secret mobilization of tens of thousands of troops in just a few days, without the use of railways to avoid alerting the enemy, was a difficult and huge project.

But for a veteran general like Ludendorff who had commanded millions of troops in large-scale battles, a mere six divisions was not a difficult task.

When World War I broke out, Ludendorff was only the deputy chief of staff of von Bülow's Second Army. After the outbreak of the war, in the siege of the Liege fortress in Belgium, Ludendorff directly took over the command of the 14th Infantry Brigade after the commander of the 14th Infantry Brigade, General von Wussow, was killed.

After analyzing the situation of the Liege fortress in detail, he personally led his troops to quietly enter Liege through the gaps in Fleron and Evgne at night, playing a key role in the final victory in capturing the fortress.

Then Ludendorff was promoted on the spot to chief of staff of Hindenburg's Eighth Army. After rushing to the Eastern Front, he immediately joined hands with Hindenburg, Hoffmann and others to create a super victory at the army level, the Battle of Tannenberg.

Therefore, Ludendorff had already proved in 1914 that he could not only command an army of 200,000 people to attack in a coordinated manner and annihilate the enemy from behind, but also lead an infantry brigade of several thousand people to infiltrate the battlefield.

In the next four years, Ludendorff progressed from being the commander of an army group of 200,000 men to the commander of an army group commanding a million men, and then to the supreme commander commanding millions of troops across Germany.

From the clever micro-management of small units, the exquisite command of the army group, to the strategic deployment of the army group and the national army, Ludendorff indeed proved that he was one of the most outstanding German generals in World War I.

With Ludendorff's command and organizational abilities, six divisions of the National Army quietly left Braubach on the Rhine in four days without causing any chaos or major commotion.

He also used a number of ships seized by the Allies on the Rhine River to transport the National Army's 1st Division to Spandau, where the Havel and Spree rivers meet, by water.

Spandau is a small town built in the 12th century, fifteen kilometers away from the center of Berlin. Its history is longer than Berlin. During World War I, Spandau, a small suburb of Berlin, became the production center of Krupp's military factory, with numerous ammunition factories. As soon as the National Army arrived in Spandau, it immediately dispatched troops to control the ammunition factories and arsenals.

Under the threat of rows of gleaming bayonets, many factories were quickly occupied by the National Army. However, after the November Revolution, the revolutionary atmosphere quickly spread from Berlin to the Krupp ammunition factories in Spandau.

There were still many workers in the factory who had joined the revolutionary trade union. When they suddenly saw thousands of fully armed soldiers pouring into Spandau on Christmas Eve, they immediately realized that something was wrong. Instead of surrendering, they immediately closed the factory gates and tried to prevent the National Army from taking control of the Krupp factory.

Ludendorff had been prepared for this. Scheidemann of the Social Democratic Party and several trade union leaders under the control of the Social Democratic Party acted together with Ludendorff.

Scheidemann came forward in person and persuaded the revolutionary workers with a smile, saying that the army was taking over many of Krupp's factories. This was the latest resolution just passed in Berlin, which was to nationalize and socialize Krupp's factories!

After the Krupp factory is socialized, the living conditions of all workers will be greatly improved.

Unlike Noske, Scheidemann always presented himself as a more moderate member of the SPD, and for a time he easily deceived most of the workers in the Krupp factory.

Apart from the initial clashes in several ammunition factories, the National Army quickly took control of all Krupp military factories in Spandau without bloodshed.