Germany does not seek survival

Chapter 25: Three-Part Parliament

Sorge's father once worked in the Baku oil field in Russia, which was invested by Germany. His father was a technical expert in the industrial field, and his mother was an ordinary local Russian woman. When Sorge was three years old, his father's contract with the Caucasus Oil Company expired, and the whole family moved back to Germany and settled in the suburbs of Berlin.

So although Sorge was of German and Russian descent, he had never been to Russia after he was three years old. He only learned Russian from his mother and was very interested in Russian literature and philosophy books.

This is another intellectual.

However, Sorge was not Faust's classmate at the University of Munich.

Sorge studied economics at the University of Berlin for a period of time. It was at the University of Berlin that he came into contact with a large number of classic works on socialism, and then joined the Social Democratic Party of Germany, the most influential workers' party in Germany before the war.

In this aspect of their resumes, Sorge and Faust are very similar.

It was during his university years that Faust came into contact with the classics of Marx and Engels and joined the Social Democratic Party. However, his studies were interrupted by the war and he did not continue to participate in any activities within the Social Democratic Party.

Sorge was different.

Sorge also interrupted his studies because of the war, but after joining the army, he maintained contact with some small extreme left groups of the Social Democratic Party, so he was able to obtain the article "The Main Enemy is at Home!" which had been banned by the imperial government.

During the period of contact between the front line and the Seventh Company, Sorge also learned more about Faust's situation through the mouths of other veterans of the Seventh Company.

Born into one of Munich's poorest single-parent families, a member of the Social Democratic Party, and someone who had circulated the "Spartacus Letters"...

These characteristics made Sorge decide to take a bold action.

When Sorge saw Faust again in Liège, he opened his mouth and said directly: "You... you know that Dr. Liebknecht and Frau Luxemburg have been arrested and imprisoned?"

Liebknecht received his doctorate in law from the University of Würzburg in 1897. His thesis was on medieval real estate law. After receiving his doctorate and becoming a practicing lawyer, Liebknecht specialized in providing legal aid to the working class. In this respect, he is very similar to later left-wing politicians such as South Korea's Roh Moo-hyun and Moon Jae-in who were civil rights lawyers.

Faust stroked his chin and replied calmly, "I saw it in the newspaper. I think it happened not long ago this year?"

Sorge said, "Dr. Liebknecht was sentenced to four years' hard labor in May of this year for organizing an anti-war demonstration. Ms. Luxemburg was imprisoned at the outset of the war, but because the Imperial Government couldn't find a suitable charge to keep her in custody for a long time, she was released and then arrested again and again. In July of this year, she was also imprisoned by the Imperial Government under the pretext of preventive detention because of her connection to Dr. Liebknecht."

For the German people, 1916 was the first time that the entire nation felt the pressure of war. The influence of the Turnip Winter was so great that the first-class Social Democratic left-wingers such as Liebknecht and Luxemburg, who were denounced as "German traitors" by the whole nation at the beginning of the war, regained their huge influence.

So, only when people are hungry can they face the reality.

"This incident has had a terrible impact," Sorge said in a low voice. "As far as I know, many people within the SPD originally did not support Dr. Liebknecht and Ms. Luxemburg, believing that their blatant anti-war incitement was hindering the fighting at the front. But recently, the Imperial Government's sudden arrest and imprisonment of Dr. Liebknecht and Ms. Luxemburg has actually aroused sympathy among many SPD members for them."

Faust looked up at the sky and asked casually, "Who are the Social Democratic Party members who sympathize with Liebknecht and Luxemburg?"

Sorge replied: "Many, sir, a very large number of deputies, more than a hundred deputies, have clearly opposed the government's imprisonment of Liebknecht and Luxemburg, and among them are some of the most influential figures in the Reichstag."

"For example?"

Sorge gave the example: "For example, there is Member of Parliament Kautsky, and there is Member of Parliament Bernstein, and there is also Member of Parliament Hugo Haase, who is the chairman of the SPD centrist group."

Faust had heard of the two names of Kautsky and Bernstein mentioned by Sorge. It should be said that for those who understand the history of Marxism, the names of Kautsky and Bernstein should be well-known, because in history they were the founders of revisionism who were severely criticized by the orthodox Marxist-Leninists.

Bernstein proposed a revisionist line advocating reform very early on and opposed launching a thorough class struggle in Germany, so he was attacked within the SPD very early on. At least in this era, his influence was not very great.

But Kautsky was quite different.

Kautsky was Engels' assistant. After Marx's death, a considerable part of the content of Capital was compiled by Engels, and a large amount of text in it was actually written by Kautsky.

To be more precise, there are three authors of "Das Kapital". In addition to Marx and Engels, the third author is Kautsky.

Kautsky's influence can be imagined. His nickname within the German Social Democratic Party was "the Pope of Marxism". Among the millions of ordinary party members and members of peripheral organizations of the Social Democratic Party, Kautsky's prestige was even higher than that of Liebknecht and Luxemburg, who often made some "traitorous" remarks.

As for Hugo Haase, his influence was not as great as Kautsky's, and he could actually be considered Kautsky's disciple, but Haase had strong political skills. He was the chairman of the SPD's centrist group and controlled one-third of the SPD's seats in the Reichstag.

Faust feels that if we use an analogy from modern Chinese history, Kautsky is equivalent to Huang Xing of the Tongmenghui, and a theoretically enhanced version of Huang Xing, while Hugo Haase is Song Jiaoren, a younger generation.

The fact that such a big figure came out to directly oppose the imperial government's arrest of Liebknecht and Luxemburg showed that the wind direction in the imperial political arena had changed.

Especially after Kautsky and Haase openly opposed the imperial arrest warrant, the government, fearing their influence, did not dare to continue arresting Kautsky and Haase. This also shows that under the siege of war, the power of the imperial government had actually declined significantly.

The government's tolerance for anti-war speech by members of parliament has greatly increased. As long as they do not directly propose to overthrow the national regime like Liebknecht and Luxemburg, the government will tolerate general anti-war speech.

Because if these people were really arrested, the matter would only get worse, and there were already many people in the upper echelons of the imperial government who were beginning to turn to an anti-war stance.

However, their opposition to the war was not because they loved peace, but because they simply felt that if the war continued like this, the empire's chances of winning would become increasingly slim. It would be better to negotiate peace as soon as possible while the chances of losing were slim.

This group of people also includes some powerful people, such as Prince Max von Baden of Baden, who had already turned to an anti-war stance this year. People like Kautsky and Haase were able to criticize the government's arrest of Liebknecht and Luxemburg as "digging its own grave" in Congress because they were protected by the Prince of Baden.

Liebknecht, Rosa Luxemburg, Kautsky, Hugo Haase, the Prince of Baden...

With so many foreign names popping up at once, people who are not familiar with German history would be confused. It was only after Faust sorted them out in his mind that he finally understood the current political situation in the empire.

Generally speaking, the Social Democratic Party, the largest party in the empire, has been divided into three factions, namely the right, the center and the left.

The right wing is the ruling faction of the Social Democratic Party, supports the government and the war, and has the largest number of people;

The left wing consisted of people like Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg. They were strongly opposed to the war and were willing to launch an armed revolution to overthrow the imperial government. Although they were the smallest in number, their stance was extremely radical, so they were also severely sanctioned by the imperial government.

The centrists were people like Kautsky and Hugo Haase. They were also against the war, but unlike the leftists, they did not demand the overthrow of the government. Therefore, they were tolerated by the imperial government for the time being. They were also numerous and controlled one-third of the SPD seats. They also received protection from moderate people in the imperial high-level circles such as the Prince of Baden.

Chapter 26: Reichsmark

So far, Faust has not had any direct contact with the left-wing revolutionaries of the German Social Democratic Party, nor has he even had any contact with the small group of centrists of the Social Democratic Party. He has completely started his own business and tried to create a National Socialist Party in the front-line army.

Now, Sorge came before Faust.

Sorge's intentions were obvious, and he didn't hide anything. He said directly:

"Sir, you must be curious about where I got my hands on articles like 'The Main Enemy is at Home!' Actually, after Dr. Liebknecht's arrest, some of my friends in the left wing of the Social Democratic Party decided they wanted to end the war. Their approach was to spread anti-war propaganda within the army. Only when the army decided to stop the war would the war truly end."

Faust laughed and said, "So, Sorge, you are a member of the left wing of the Social Democratic Party. If I report this to the military police, I think you will be arrested and imprisoned immediately."

Sorge said seriously: "I believe you! You are not that kind of person."

Faust shrugged, noncommittal. He then asked Sorge, "Who are your friends in the left wing of the Social Democratic Party? What are your channels of communication?"

Sorge said cautiously: "Sir, I can't reveal this information yet."

Faust pointed at Sorge and said, "What do you mean? Do I have to join the secret organization of the left wing of the Social Democratic Party in order to get the information I want to know?"

Sorge said: "I believe in your character, but we also have the organizational discipline of confidentiality."

Faust smiled. "Ha, confidentiality, this finally looks a bit more revolutionary than the SPD's farce in Congress."

Sorge said, "Sir, I cannot directly reveal the organization's secrets, but I can provide you with a lot of help. I can provide you with the latest articles written by Dr. Liebknecht and Ms. Luxemburg in prison. Our people can also help you to build momentum in the newspapers - if, Mr. Faust, you are also an anti-war activist as I think."

Faust knew very well what the secret organization of the Social Democratic Party's left wing that Sorge was talking about was. It was probably the Spartacus League that was in the underground formation stage?

Historically, this revolutionary organization was initiated at the behest of Liebknecht. It was originally a secret group, but after the end of World War I, it was reorganized into the German Communist Party.

Faust did not answer Sorge directly, but simply said: "I am against war. Of course I am against unjust wars, but propaganda alone cannot end wars, nor can it create a new world for revolutionaries as you wish."

Faust's eyes look eastward, towards Berlin, Petrograd and Moscow:

"Revolution, revolution is not a dinner party, it is not writing an essay, it is not romantic poetry or symbolist painting. It cannot be so elegant, so leisurely, so refined."

"Revolution is an uprising, a violent act by which one class overthrows another. The German Revolution was a revolution in which the proletariat overthrew the feudal lords and their bourgeois dependencies. Without tremendous force, the proletariat could never have overthrown the feudal power that had been entrenched for thousands of years. The German Revolution required the participation of soldiers, officers, and weapons to form a force capable of counteracting the Junkers and capital."

Judging from the current situation described by Sorge, the left wing of the Social Democratic Party, or the Spartacus League and the future German Communist Party, their imagination of revolution still remains at the level of propaganda and incitement to workers' uprising.

In Faust's view, this was too much of a disrespect for the German government and the German army it relied on.

Although Germany's situation in the war was getting worse and worse, and supplies were in short supply, which made people increasingly war-weary, the German army's performance in the battle was not bad.

The Battle of Verdun failed to achieve its strategic goal, but the German army still suffered 430,000 casualties in exchange for 540,000 casualties on the French army. As for the Eastern Front, the Russian army did defeat the Austro-Hungarian Empire in the Brusilov Offensive, but after the German reinforcements arrived, the German army inflicted another 500,000 casualties on the Russian army at the cost of 350,000 casualties.

In all battles, the German army performed far better than the Allied forces, and in all battles, the German army achieved an exchange ratio that exceeded that of the enemy.

So on the front line, German soldiers did develop a strong sense of war-weariness, but this sentiment was not enough to make all German troops turn to the revolutionary side.

This would only be possible if there was a person with great prestige in the German army who did a lot of soldier work.

However, the left wing of the Social Democratic Party, the later Spartacus League, and the later German Communist Party, none of them had high prestige in the German army, nor did they do their work as soldiers seriously and rigorously.

The failure of the revolution was inevitable.

This was during the war. If it was after the war, the situation would be different. With the oppression of the Allied Powers and the Treaty of Versailles, the German people's primary goal would become to break the shackles of Versailles and liberate the Rhineland. The German people would follow whoever did these things.

This is not a strategic issue, but a matter of essence. The German Communist Party actually neglected these key points, which is a big mistake.

Faust now gave Sorge a clear answer: "I will not tell the gendarmes about your secret organizations. If you are willing to cooperate with me, I will accept such cooperation, but my friend, I will not join you now, and you can't expect me to obey your orders in everything."

Sorge looked slightly disappointed, but he immediately said enthusiastically, "As long as we can cooperate with Mr. Faust, I believe it will be of great help in ending the war early. You are such a great man. The reputation of 'Saint Quentin Siegfried' is spread all over the front lines, and everyone in the German army respects you."

Didn't Faust expect that his fame on the front line had reached this level?

Faust reminded Sorge again, "As a comrade-in-arms, I also remind you that the army will be the key force that determines Germany's fate in the coming years. No matter what your secret organization intends to do, you should attach great importance to the army. When I say army, I mean not only soldiers but also officers. Because German officers are trained through countless trials and tribulations, their role cannot be replaced in a short period of time."

Sorge nodded and said, "Thank you, sir. I will keep your teachings in mind."

Faust waved his hand. "Alright, dear Sorge. We are friends now, and perhaps allies in the future. Your secret organization may be all well and good, but if you are unhappy there, I will always keep a place for you here. You can always continue to work for me. Don't forget, we have a common goal."

Sorge didn't say anything more, he just shook hands with Faust vigorously, but Faust pulled Sorge over, gave him a deep hug, and then put a few Reichsmark banknotes into Sorge's arms.

"His Majesty the Emperor personally awarded me the Blue Max Medal, and the army has also given me many additional awards. I'm not short of money, but you're not an officer, so your income is low. Being in the rear is different from being on the front lines, and you need to spend money on many things..."

Faust hugged Sorge and patted him on the back: "We are friends. I lend you this money to help you."

The Blue Max Medal that Faust received did not come with a direct cash reward, but with this medal, future promotions in military rank would be easy.

A German captain's monthly salary was close to 500 Reichsmarks, and a major's monthly salary was close to 1,000 Reichsmarks, so they would never be short of money.

Faust's warm care was indeed very lethal in the war-torn times, and Sorge was very moved. He was a little excited, his eyes were slightly red, and he wanted to return a few Reichsmarks to Faust.

Faust held Sorge's hand and said, "We have a long way to go, my friend. You will have plenty of opportunities to repay me in the future."

Sorge accepted the money and nodded vigorously: "Mr. Faust, when you need me, I will definitely serve you."

The total amount of money Faust gave to Sorge was one hundred Reichsmarks, which was very generous.

This money included the salary that Faust had saved before, as well as part of the combat allowance he received for his meritorious service this time.

The income of German frontline soldiers was generally only about 20 marks per month. Due to the inflation caused by material shortages in the past two years, a salary of 20 marks was equivalent to less than 10 marks before the war, which was not enough to support a family.

Soldiers have free food and accommodation, they eat and live in the barracks, and wear military uniforms, which can save them food and housing expenses and they don't have to buy clothes. However, if they want to buy other consumer goods on the black market, such as milk, coffee, and tobacco, this amount of money is still not enough.

On the contrary, it was the workers in charge of production in the rear areas who had an increased wage compared to before the war, as a large number of young and middle-aged men were drafted to the front and the factories in the rear areas were particularly short of staff. For example, workers in Krupp military factories earned more than 100 marks a month, which was six or seven times that of soldiers on the front line.

Even though the workers in the rear have to pay for their own food, clothing, housing, transportation and other expenses, their lives are still more comfortable than those of the soldiers on the front line.

Chapter 27 Super Genius

The income of German officers was far higher than that of ordinary soldiers. Junkers whose names contained the word "von" could also directly receive a huge annual pension from the national treasury that was unimaginable for ordinary people.

However, because these people's class is originally above that of ordinary soldiers, they are less likely to be envied by the soldiers on the front line.

The workers in the rear had the same social status as ordinary soldiers before the war and belonged to the same class. However, during the war, the soldiers fought on the front lines, while the workers only needed to work in factories in the rear. This was safer and their income was higher than that of the soldiers. This inevitably caused jealousy among the soldiers on the front lines towards the workers in the rear.

The subsequent failure of the German Communist Party's revolution was partly due to this. The relationship between German soldiers and workers was not as harmonious and simple as the revolutionary slogan "All power to the Soviets of Workers, Peasants and Soldiers" suggested.

This is not even mentioning the farmers.

The situation of German farmers was not good, because the Junker estates controlled one-third of the land in rural Germany, and the average land per farmer was only 30 acres. But compared with the farmers in Tsarist Russia and China, the situation of German farmers was not that bad.

The 30 mu of land per capita of German farmers is not much, but not too little either. The empire also provides farmers with compulsory education at the primary school level, ensuring that the literacy rate of German farmers is above 90%, enabling farmers to master the use of agricultural machinery and fertilizers.

Not to mention that German farmers also had the "Gift of Bismarck".

Germany's Agricultural Workers Insurance Act covers almost all tenant farmers, and they can receive insurance compensation for work-related injuries; the Imperial Insurance Act provides pensions for farmers over the age of 65. This pension is very meager compared to that of Junker nobles, capitalists, and urban employees, but it also makes German farmers full of gratitude to the empire.

Farmers are such simple and plain existences.

After Bismarck implemented the agricultural tax reform, ordinary small farmers only needed to pay 1% of their harvest in land tax each year, which was far lower than China's land tax during the same period and lower than the land tax in most countries in the world at that time.

During the war, the empire imposed an agricultural "contribution tax" in 1915, requiring farmers to hand over 10% of their harvest, but then announced that it would give farmers cash compensation of 35 marks per ton of wheat. This was much better than the Tsarist Russia's direct and free collection of 40% of grain during the same period.

Therefore, German peasants particularly supported the Junker nobles who represented the imperial government. They did not easily think that the Junker landlords were bad people who oppressed them. Instead, they might regard those who instigated revolution as traitors.

Therefore, the German Revolution is different from the Russian Revolution and the Chinese Revolution in many aspects and cannot follow exactly the same path.

Chancellor Bismarck is indeed one of the greatest men in German history. The social security system he left for the empire was messed up by a fickle person like William II, and it actually prevented most Germans from supporting the revolution.

I can never repay Chancellor Bismarck’s kindness.

"While you're studying in Liège, you can look for Paulus more often. He's also my friend."

Faust then told Sorge, "I will let Paulus take care of you. As for me, I can't stay in Liège for long. I will return to the front soon."

Sorge was a little surprised again: "Mr. Faust, aren't you also going to the Reserve Officers School for training?"

Faust smiled and said, "As for me, you probably don't know how I managed to get into the University of Munich from the slums by just doing exercises. I think even a week of this training is too long, let alone two months."

There is still more than a month until Christmas 1916.

Faust knew that Germany's offensive against Romania was about to enter a critical period. It was not easy to make merit in the long-standing trench warfare on the Western Front, but the upcoming Romanian campaign was a good opportunity to beat up children and get French fries.