The Fourth Outstanding Person of Huangpu Military Academy

The subordinates who returned from the Communications Bureau also handed Wang Hongqing a note, which was the strike demands drafted by the foreign employees of the Communications Bureau.

Although White agreed to the strike, he ultimately did not want to put forward conditions together with the Chinese. Instead, he drafted a separate demand for foreign employees, which mainly consisted of one point:

Implement three weeks of leave for foreign employees, and if they cannot take leave, they should demand back pay.

……

"Workers! Fellow workers! The railway and mining sides have something to say! ... We can talk! Please ask your club representatives to come out and negotiate!"

On June 24, Chief Engineer Wang Hongqing was in the mining area, surrounded by his subordinates, speaking to the workers from a distance.

"If you have any problems, please ask the mine manager and road manager to come to the club to discuss it!!"

Li Yihuan responded from the crowd.

Wang Hongqing tried his best to remember the appearance of Li Yihuan who was speaking, but he could not see his face clearly because he was too far away.

On the third floor of the Workers' Club, Chen Tianheng and Jiang Xianyun went to the window to watch the drama outside.

"Clean up a room, put out a table and chairs, and start negotiating." Mao Runzhi said behind him.

Jiang Xianyun: "Secretary Mao, are the railway and mining authorities going to give in?"

"The coal mines have been shut down. If this continues, the blast furnaces at Hanyeping will have to shut down. They can't handle it. The telegraph office has been blocked, and the railway officials are not allowed to use it. They have to send messages on horseback. Newspapers in Changsha, Shanghai, and Wuhan have all reported on the Anyuan Railway and Mine Strike. Public opinion is on our side. They've tried to suppress and sabotage the strike in the past few days, but it's ineffective," Mao Runzhi said, counting on his fingers as he analyzed the current situation. "What other tricks can they come up with? Supervisor Wang Hongqing has appeared in the workers' village. I think he'll show up at the workers' club in two days at most."

Chapter 5

Shanghai.

No. 625, Fudeli, South Chengdu Road.

"Zhongfu, the Second Congress was originally scheduled to open tomorrow, July 16th. Do we really want to postpone the meeting?"

The person speaking was Zhang Guotao.

"It must be postponed. I don't think it will be too late, just two or three days. What, is there something you have that can't wait?"

Chen Duxiu, the current Secretary of the Central Bureau of the Communist Party of China, is very positive about it.

"No, it's just that the international comrades have to wait along with us."

"The comrades in the International have also expressed their willingness to wait. Guo Tao, you should know, from the First to the Second Congress, what was the greatest achievement our Party accomplished? It was organizing the great strike at the Anyuan Railway Mine, which shocked the entire country and captured the attention of the people. Our Party has only now truly entered the Chinese political arena! So we must wait for Mao Zedong and his entourage to arrive from Hunan. Without Mao Zedong, what good will our meeting be?"

On the long table in front of them were several newspapers reporting on the Anyuan Railway Mine Strike: Ta Kung Pao, Tongsu Daily, Shenbao, and Minguo Daily.

Even though the strike had ended successfully several days ago, the newspapers were still buzzing with activity. While the strike was ongoing, newspapers reported on its progress and published statements of support from trade unions and political parties across the country. After the strike was won, the newspapers published various commentaries and articles praising the strike.

Zhang Guotao scratched his head anxiously. Seeing Chen Duxiu's firm attitude, he could only sigh and give up.

……

While Chen Duxiu and several people from the Central Secretariat were waiting in Shanghai, Mao Runzhi, Yang Kaihui, Li Lisan, Jiang Xianyun and Chen Tianheng were on their way to Shanghai.

Originally, Mao Zedong was supposed to attend the Second National Congress of the Communist Party of China, but the meeting location notified by the Party Central Committee changed several times, and he forgot the final confirmed location. Furthermore, with the labor and peasant movements in Hunan becoming increasingly prevalent, Mao Zedong simply returned to Hunan to work and did not attend the meeting.

Now the Anyuan Railway Mine strike was brought forward by three months. It was originally scheduled to be launched after the Second Congress, but now it was launched on the eve of the Second Congress and won.

Now that was good, Chen Duxiu repeatedly emphasized in the telegram that Mao Runzhi and Li Lisan must come to Shanghai to attend the Second Congress, and the meeting would not take place without them.

"Teacher Zhongfu."

Mao Runzhi extended his right hand, and Chen Duxiu not only shook hands with him, but also pulled Mao Runzhi over and gave him a warm hug.

"It's great that you're here. Hello, sister Kaihui. It's also great that you're here, Lisan."

"Hello, Teacher Chen." Chen Tianheng originally wanted to call him Secretary Chen, but then he changed his mind to Teacher Chen.

Mao Runzhi: "These two, Jiang Xianyun and Chen Tianheng, are student Party members I recently recruited at the First and Third Normal Schools in Hunan Province. They participated in organizing the strike at the Anyuan Railway and Mine. Chen Tianheng, in particular, played a very important role."

Chen Duxiu uttered an "oh" and looked Jiang Xianyun and Chen Tianheng up and down. "It's a good thing that comrades from the International are attending this conference. The International is very interested in this strike and has a high opinion of it, because you organized, planned, and launched it without any guidance from the International or the Far Eastern Office. I hope you can report all aspects of this strike to the Central Bureau and the International. Each of you should make a statement and talk about the work you are responsible for."

Mao Runzhi: "One more thing. After this meeting in Shanghai, I hope Jiang Xianyun and Chen Tianheng will continue their study and training in Shanghai. Hunan's normal school can no longer satisfy their thirst for knowledge."

"Just like when you went to Peking University to work as a librarian a few years ago?" Chen Duxiu smiled. "That's easy. I have appointments at Fudan University and Shanghai University. Although I don't teach often, I can ask the school to arrange for me to audit classes, or even take on a part-time job."

……

This year's Second National Congress of the Communist Party of China is slightly different from historical ones.

First, the meeting time was postponed from July 16 to 18. The reason for the postponement was to wait for the Anyuan Railway Mine strike team to rush to Shanghai.

The second difference is that Mao Runzhi did not miss the meeting.

In addition, the Soviet Union, which had originally not planned to send anyone to the conference, sent a representative to attend the Second Congress.

This representative was no stranger. Nikolsky (real name Vladimir Abramovich Neuman) had attended the First National Congress of the Communist Party of China with Marin last year.

The official delegates attending the Second Congress were: Chen Duxiu, Zhang Guotao, Li Dazhai, Yang Mingzhai, Luo Zhanglong, Wang Jinmei, Xu Baihao, Mao Runzhi, Cai Hesen, Tan Pingshan, Li Zhenying, and Shi Cuntong, a total of 12 people. They represented 196 party members nationwide.

Comrade Li Lisan, Secretary of the Anyuan Railway and Mining Branch of the Hunan Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of China, attended the conference as a special representative. In addition, the Communist International sent Comrade Nikolsky to attend the conference.

"Our conference opens today."

Chen Duxiu announced the start of the conference.

Jiang Xianyun and Chen Tianheng are certainly not representatives.

Even those who attended the meeting did not count.

The two served as stenographers, taking down the speeches of the delegates and arranging them into written form. Furthermore, when the agenda turned to the discussion of the Anyuan Railway Mine Strike, Chen Duxiu arranged for them to participate and explain their work at the time and the details of the strike to the delegates.

"Let me give you my opinion."

"Although Comrade Li Lisan and I led the Anyuan Railway Mine Strike and achieved victory, I object to the statement in the resolution that 'China's revolution and China's workers' movement are reaching a climax.'"

Even though the victory of the Anyuan Railway Mine Strike inspired China's trade unions and workers' movement, and they flourished in the period that followed, this was far from the climax of the Chinese revolution. The Chinese revolution should not be the exclusive domain of a smaller proportion of urban workers, who make up 10% of the population. It should be a movement that involves the majority of the 450 million Chinese people and affects their lives and destinies.

"This paragraph in the draft needs to be changed, significantly changed."

Mao Runzhi began his speech by refuting the draft document prepared by the conference, believing that the resolution on "China's Trade Union Movement and the Communist Party" was overly optimistic and went in the wrong direction.

Chen Tianheng, who was watching from the shorthand booth, speculated that the draft might have been written by Zhang Guotao. After Mao Runzhi's speech, he stood up and refuted:

"Our Communist Party is essentially a group of conscious and advanced elements within the working class. Our program is to overthrow the bourgeoisie and the capitalist system and establish proletarian power. We mobilize the workers, launch a workers' movement, expand our ranks, and ultimately launch a revolution to overthrow the bourgeois regime. What's wrong with this line?"

"This approach might not be a problem in Western Europe or Russia, but it is problematic in China. China cannot follow the path of establishing a proletarian dictatorship upon the victory of the workers' revolution." Mao Zedong responded directly, without any hesitation. "China is a backward agricultural country. We cannot launch an armed uprising in a central city like the Paris Commune or the occupation of the Winter Palace, and then declare victory nationwide. That is impossible."

Mao Runzhi versus Zhang Guotao: This debate set the meeting room at 625 Fudeli ablaze. Chen Duxiu quickly extended his hand, pressing down with his palm: "Everyone, calm down. Runzhi, I've told you many times before: when refuting someone, don't sweep everyone under the same slate. Guotao, the revolution is a workers' and peasants' revolution. We proposed this at the First National Congress and it was adopted at the conference. Both the workers' movement and the peasants' movement are revolutions that China needs today."

Zhang Guotao, who had just stood up in excitement, sat down again: "Now the workers' movement has shown positive signs. In any case, this is a matter of great significance. Why pour cold water on it?"

"Comrade Zhang Guotao, I think we have to pour some cold water on you."

In the noisy meeting hall, Chen Tianheng put down the pen in his hand and stood up.

"By 1922, there were over 30,000 industrial workers in Hunan Province's machinery manufacturing enterprises, of whom 17,000 were miners and railway workers at the Anyuan Railway Mine. This is data released by the Hunan Provincial Department of Industry."

"We launched a strike at the Anyuan Railway Mine and won. You may feel encouraged, but let's look at it from another perspective. Seventeen thousand of the thirty thousand workers have seen their living conditions improved as a result of the victory in this strike, and their life satisfaction has increased."

"After the victory at the Anyuan Railway Mine, there were only about 10,000 workers left in Hunan Province for us to work with."

"Yes, we can also go to Shuikoushan to work. There are thousands of workers there. We can also go to the lumber mill and mobilize the two thousand workers there to go on strike. And there are also the small factories and mines. All together, there are only about 30,000 people. And what is the total population of Hunan? 30 million."

Zhang Guotao: "But the workers are the most disciplined and revolutionary-conscious group of people. Their revolution, the revolution of the working class, is the key to the proletarian revolution."

Chen Tianheng: "What factual basis do you have for your claim that they are the most disciplined and revolutionary-minded?"

Zhang Guotao: "Isn't that right? Industrial workers control large machines and engage in modern industrial production. Large-scale machine production itself requires great collaboration, which invisibly cultivates their teamwork ability. Mechanized producers also need culture, they need to be able to read and do arithmetic. Do farmers need these?"

Chen Tianheng: "We were discussing discipline, not whether the workers had a high school or elementary school education. Comrade Zhang Guotao, you haven't been to the workers' sheds yourself, but I have. During the strike preparations, a very important task we did was to go to the West Street of the workers' village and ask them to suspend business during the strike. Do you know what shops we asked to close on West Street? Brothels. There were 11 brothels, all low-end places where people could get in for just a dozen bucks, with over 120 prostitutes. Now, Comrade Zhang Guotao, tell me what the hell is discipline, and what the hell is working-class consciousness."

When Chen Tianheng said this, everyone in the meeting finally couldn't hold back their laughter.

"Chen Duxiu, sit down! No, Chen Tianheng, sit down!" Zhang Guotao said angrily. "You're not an official representative. What are you saying? Just do your job as a stenographer!"

Chen Duxiu, who was sitting at the chief seat, held his forehead with his left hand and smiled bitterly.

Mao Runzhi knew that he was a big argumentative person. What he liked most was to start his speech by "disputing all the answers above by real name", and he would get more excited as the debate went on.

Now, the big argumentative person has brought a small argumentative person to mess things up!

Chapter 6

On the first agenda of the Second Congress, Mao Zedong argued that the Party had focused too much on propaganda and organizing the workers' movement in the cities, and not enough on the peasant movement. He concluded that the Party's next efforts should focus on the countryside.

Zhang Guotao and many other comrades attending the meeting believed that the Anyuan Railway Mine Strike was the first victorious large-scale strike on Chinese soil, and that the strike was led by the Communist Party of China, so they should strike while the iron is hot and set off a climax of the workers' movement across the country.

The two sides debated fiercely for a whole day. In fact, the only official representative standing on Mao Runzhi's side was Cai Hesen, but with the big argumentative person and the small argumentative person Chen Tianheng, the two sides were actually evenly matched.

In the end, Chen Duxiu reached a compromise: the idea of ​​a nationwide workers' movement climax was too radical, so he decided to hold off on it for now. Instead, he decided to mobilize the Party's rural work. However, the strike on the Beijing-Hankou Railway (in the north) had been brewing for a long time, and all conditions were ripe. Therefore, over the next few months, Party comrades in the north would prepare to organize a major strike along the entire Beijing-Hankou Railway.

After the meeting ended that day, due to Zhang Guotao's strong request, Chen Tianheng was not allowed to attend the next meeting as an observer.

The reason was that Chen Tianheng had already finished his frontline report/experiences on the strike, and stenographer Jiang Xianyun alone was enough.

"Secretary Chen, today's meeting agenda should be discussing the CCP's joining the Communist International, right?"

Unable to attend the meeting, Chen Tianheng could only wait for Chen Duxiu and Jiang Xianyun to return from the meeting in the evening and ask a few questions at the dinner table.

"This was basically decided before the meeting," Chen Duxiu said. "The 'Resolution on Joining the Third International' has been passed. With this passed, we've already reached the end of our discussion of the content of the General Declaration of the Congress."

"I saw in the draft that 'Mongolia, Tibet, and Xinjiang will implement autonomy and become democratic autonomous states.' Has this also been approved?"

"Ah."

Chen Duxiu's answer was a casual "hmm." Chen Tianheng carefully considered his words and asked, "So, was the discussion on this point intense at the meeting?"

Jiang Xianyun: "It was quite peaceful today. Secretary Mao didn't even start a big debate."

Chen Duxiu smiled, put down his chopsticks, and pointed at Chen Tianheng: "Without you here, the atmosphere in this meeting is half as tense. There's no debate about this point. So, do you have any opinion on this?"

Chen Tianheng: "In Chinese history, or strictly speaking, since the Warring States period, there has never been a precedent for a dynasty that adopted a loose feudal system or a federal system and operated stably for a long time."

"Being unprecedented doesn't mean it can't be done. What we are doing, striving to achieve communism, has no precedent in Chinese history."

Chen Tianheng: "A precedent is indeed just an event that has occurred. However, if something has persisted for over 2,000 years, we must analyze the causes and find patterns. China's core region, the Eighteen Provinces of Han, lacks natural geographical isolation and is interconnected. They are all agricultural regions, and the centralization of power is a major trend. In border regions like Mongolia, Tibet, and Xinjiang, the central dynasty has consistently strengthened its control over these regions to prevent internal unrest and defend against external threats."

"In my country, ethnic groups live in mixed communities, with smaller concentrations. Take the so-called 'Huijiang' as an example. The boundaries between the Muslim Uyghurs, the Muslim Han Chinese (now known as Hui people), and the non-religious Han Chinese are very vague. It can even be said that there are no large, uniformly concentrated areas. They live in mixed communities of Hui and Uyghur, Uyghur and Han, Hui and Han, or all three. If all Islamic areas were classified as Huijiang, then everything west of Xi'an would be the 'Hui Muslim State of the Federal Republic of China,' a state larger than the states in Han areas."

"And this isn't just a matter of size. The bigger issue is that no matter how the federation's borders are drawn, it's prone to ethnic conflict. Furthermore, China has been repeatedly invaded by the West, repeatedly ceded territory and paid indemnities, and has become increasingly impoverished and weak. This makes China today more vulnerable to losing border territory, and a federal system would undoubtedly amplify this risk. In fact, we've already lost a lot, including Taiwan, North Korea, Outer Manchuria, and possibly Mongolia, as I just mentioned. Secretary Chen, due to the events of the past year, Mongolia's future is extremely uncertain."

Jiang Xianyun: "Outer Manchuria and Mongolia are both related to Tsarist Russia. Tsarist Russia's eastward expansion seized tens of millions of square kilometers of land."

Chen Tianheng: "Last May, the Soviet Red Army entered Mongolia and supported the establishment of the Mongolian People's Army. In July, the Soviet Red Army captured Kulun (Ulaanbaatar). This all happened after the victory of the October Revolution and the death of the Tsar's family. After occupying Kulun and controlling all of Mongolia, in August 1921, the Soviet Union also reorganized Tannu Uriankhai into the independent Tannu-Tuva People's Republic, separating it from Mongolia."

Chen Duxiu: "No, no, no, Chen Tianheng, this matter needs to be explained in full. The reason why the Soviet Red Army occupied Kulun was that in February of the previous year, the White Bandit Army led by Ungern entered Mongolia and attacked Kulun. They intended to use Mongolia as a base to counterattack or harass the Soviet Union. The Soviet Red Army had to cross the border to attack the White Bandit Army and eliminate the hidden danger."

Chen Tianheng: "So what I just said is that Mongolia's future is very uncertain."

The dining room fell silent.

……

After that, there was no mood to talk about national affairs. Chen Tianheng, Jiang Xianyun, Chen Duxiu, and Gao Junman (Chen Duxiu's wife) finished their meal in silence and left the table. Chen Tianheng returned to his bedroom to read the newspaper. About an hour later, Chen Duxiu knocked on the door.

"Fortunately, you didn't show up at the meeting during the day. Otherwise, not only would there be a quarrel in the meeting hall, but Comrade Nikolsky might also be embarrassed," said Chen Duxiu.

"Secretary Chen, even if I were still here listening to the meeting today, I wouldn't say what I said at dinner."

Chen Duxiu: "Indeed, Mao Zedong did not strongly oppose this statement at the meeting today. To be more precise, he did not express any opinion on this statement. Chen Tianheng, regarding what was said at dinner tonight, have you ever thought about this: even if we are dissatisfied with the current situation, what can we do to change it?"

Chen Tianheng nodded. "I've thought about it, but it really doesn't change anything. If the situation is to change, the Beiyang government must have a strong army in Kulun in February 1921. When Ungern's White Bandit Army crosses the border into Mongolia, they can immediately annihilate or disarm them. This is something the Beiyang government cannot do."

Chen Duxiu: "We join the Comintern and become its Chinese branch. This is necessary and inevitable. The Mongolian issue can only be considered in the long term."

Chen Tianheng: "Secretary Chen, although the Party has only now officially joined the Third International, we have actually already fully accepted the Soviet Union's assistance before this."

Chen Duxiu: "Last year, the central government's expenditures totaled over 1 yuan. The income consisted of 1 yuan in self-raised donations and 6655 yuan in international aid. Almost all of this was spent. ... The current situation is that our party and China's revolutionary forces are still too weak. Only by uniting with the proletariat in areas where the revolution has already succeeded can we strengthen ourselves and achieve final victory."

"But, Gul'dan, what is the price?"

Chen Duxiu: "Ah?"

……

“…At present, the goals of the Communist Party of China in this united front are:”

"1. Eliminate internal strife, overthrow warlords, and establish domestic peace;"

"2. Overthrow the oppression of international imperialism and achieve complete independence for the Chinese nation;"

"3. Unify mainland China (including the three northeastern provinces) into a truly democratic republic;"

"4. Mongolia, Tibet, and Xinjiang will implement autonomy and become democratic autonomous states;"

"5. Use a free federal system to unify mainland China, Mongolia, Tibet, and Xinjiang, and establish the Federal Republic of China;"

"6. Workers and peasants, both men and women, shall have unlimited suffrage in parliaments and city councils at all levels, and absolute freedom of speech, press, assembly, association, and strike;"