The Fourth Outstanding Person of Huangpu Military Academy

Chen Mingren, commander of the Sixth Army and commander of the Hubei-Henan-Anhui Military Region, returned to Guangzhou to report on his work. He first took a boat from Qichun to Ruichang on the south bank of the Yangtze River, then arrived in Changsha via Xiushui, Tonggu, and Liuyang, and took a train from Changsha directly to Guangzhou. The entire journey took 6 days.

"The military work in the Hubei-Henan-Anhui base area in 1930 was mainly divided into two parts: the reform and improvement of the Sixth Army and the reorganization of the independent regiments in the base area."

"As for the reorganization of the local troops in Hubei, Henan, and Anhui, according to the requirements of the General Staff and the General Political Department, the military region proposed a reorganization plan, submitted it, and then implemented it. It can be said that the military region was involved from decision-making to implementation..."

When Chen Mingren reported on his work, he spoke most about the various independent regiments within the military region. The presence of the Dabie Mountains in the Hubei-Henan-Anhui base area not only added significant difficulties to the enemy's attack, but also affected the base's own troop deployment to some extent.

Huoshan County, the easternmost of the base area, was relatively isolated. The main force would have to travel several days from Yingshan to Huoshan, and artillery was difficult to transport. If troops stationed in Huoshan encountered an encirclement and suppression campaign, they would have been left to face the attack alone for at least a week. Furthermore, Huoshan County was not very populous; the local peasants could only muster an 1100-man independent regiment.

After Chen Mingren's adjustment, the 18th Division of the 6th Army moved to Huoshan and stationed there permanently.

In this way, there was one less field division in the west of the Hubei-Henan-Anhui base area, so the military district made further adjustments and reorganized the Huangan Independent Regiment and the Macheng Independent Regiment into the Huangma Independent Brigade. After half a year of training and enrichment, the Huangma Independent Brigade became a "semi-main force" force.

Chen Tianheng: "Last year during the Chiang-Feng War, Chiang Kai-shek abandoned Huangan. We went in and took advantage of the situation. What is the situation around Huangan now?"

Chen Mingren: "Last June, the Sansui District realized that the Huangan County government had been overthrown and sent a regiment to attempt to re-enter the county seat. However, the enemy was blocked by the local peasant army and the independent regiment. The enemy realized that if they wanted to enter Huangan County, they would have to engage in a fierce battle. After weighing the pros and cons, they decided to withdraw after three days. The Huangan Independent Regiment, now the 6st Regiment of the Independent Brigade, is now primarily tasked with guarding the four roads leading into Huangan and preventing the enemy from advancing peacefully."

Chen Tianheng: "In addition to military work, the finance and economic departments now also have new ideas about Hubei, Henan and Anhui. Chen Mingren, what do you think will happen if Hubei, Henan and Anhui promote the use of national yuan banknotes?"

While the Guangzhou United Government gradually introduced paper currency in areas south of the Yangtze River, the Hubei-Henan-Anhui base area remained largely untouched. Because the base area rarely communicated with the south of the Yangtze River, but frequently traded goods with the surrounding areas under Chiang Kai-shek's rule, even military, public servants, and teachers in Hubei-Henan-Anhui were paid in silver dollars.

In the areas under Chiang Kai-shek's rule, the use of "Guangdong Bandit Currency" as a medium of exchange was strictly prohibited. Silver and copper coins were used in most cases, and perhaps US dollars and British pounds could also be seen, but no one dared to use "silver paper."

Chen Mingren: "In areas under Chiang Kai-shek's rule, the Nationalist government doesn't allow the use of silver dollars. This situation won't change for the time being. But from what I've seen and learned over the past year or so, it seems to me that instead of transporting silver dollars all the way from Guangzhou to Hubei, Henan, and Anhui to support the base's finances, it would be better to ship some goods from Guangzhou to Hubei, Henan, and Anhui. We can then do business there and earn money from the Nationalist-controlled areas."

Chen Tianheng said, "The only way to ship goods from Guangzhou to Hubei, Henan, and Anhui is by sea. Then, in Shanghai, you transfer to an inland river freighter and sail to Qichun, where you unload the goods at a small dock. The journey is long, and you have to find foreign cargo ships for transportation on the Yangtze River. This makes it difficult for wholesalers to do business."

Chen Mingren: "There's no need to do those bulk goods businesses. I've thought about it. Hubei, Henan, and Anhui sell medicines, specifically sulfa."

Sulfonamides, which were launched on the market in 1929, are now known as "life-saving drugs."

Its antibacterial and anti-inflammatory effects are visible to the naked eye. Although sulfa is more expensive by weight than silver (a small bottle costs seven silver dollars), patients with trauma or severe infections, who doctors previously would have abandoned treatment upon first sight, can now be saved by taking two tablets daily for seven days from a small bottle of 14 tablets of Xiaoyanhuang.

The factory price of this small bottle of Xiaoyanhuang is 4 yuan, and the retail price in the area controlled by the United Nations is about 7 yuan. In the area ruled by Chiang Kai-shek, the price fluctuates greatly, ranging from 7 to 20 yuan.

The Xiaoyanhuang market in Shanghai uses drugs directly from Guangzhou, selling them for around 7 or 7.5 yuan. Prices in Wuhan are much higher. Li Zongren was a master at extracting taxes from the land outside Guangxi, and Xiaoyanhuang is available for 10 yuan a bottle. The Hubei-Henan-Anhui base area wasn't Li Zongren's Second Suiyuan District, but rather the Third Suiyuan District, a more corrupt area than Li Zongren's. In the surrounding rural areas, Xiaoyanhuang costs at least 10 yuan a bottle.

Chen Mingren: "Among the supplies received by the military region are medicines, and among the medicines is Xiaoyanhuang. This medicine is now a precious material in the base."

Chen Tianheng: "How much do you think Hubei, Henan, and Anhui could earn annually if they started a pharmaceutical business?"

Chen Mingren: "I think the base area can take over the entire drug supply in the vast area north of the Yangtze River and south of the Yellow River. Now the base area has captured Huangan, which is not far from the Pinghan Railway. We will set up a sales point in Huangan to sell sulfa drugs. The annual sales will be at least 20 million, and the base area itself should make a profit of 5 to 8 million."

Chen Tianheng: "Yes, this is just the gross profit you make from buying the goods for 4 yuan and selling them for 6 to 8 yuan."

The pharmaceutical factory's current second-generation sulfa process only costs fifty cents to produce this small bottle of 14 sulfa tablets.

Chen Mingren's sales estimate is quite close to reality. Last year, Guangzhou's sulfanilamide sales were primarily shipped by sea to Shanghai and Tianjin, and by land to Nanchang and Wuhan. The Central Plains region is inland, and transportation and logistics in the Kuomintang-controlled areas are poor. This meant that 100 million people needed sulfanilamide but couldn't buy it.

"Chen Mingren is still conservative. Don't just focus on the Pinghan Railway."

Chen Yun came and continued to discuss the issue, and the plan he proposed was even more ambitious.

"Hubei, Henan, and Anhui have openings in the east, west, south, and north. The western contact with the Pinghan Railway is just one of them. Isn't Huoshan in the northeast corner? Across Huoshan is Lu'an, which is guarded by Chiang Kai-shek's army. Behind Lu'an is Hefei."

"In the southeast corner, once we leave the Dabie Mountains, we reach Anqing, which radiates to southern Anhui."

Chen Yun concluded: "Hubei, Henan, and Anhui should spread their commodity sales in all directions."

Chen Tianheng: "So, the Ministry of Commerce is going to set up a special agency in Hubei, Henan and Anhui, right?"

Chen Yun: "Yes. Send a few professionals to deal with this pharmacy business. ... It seems that if we can preserve the Hubei-Henan-Anhui base area and drive a nail north of the Yangtze River, we can also have such unexpected gains."

Chen Tianheng: "Now the revolutionary base areas have become outposts for dumping goods."

Chapter 77: Trotskyism in Guangzhou

“Hong Kong is not the birthplace of revolution. Hong Kong is just a place where I can sit down and write.”

"But now, there's no quiet desk in Hong Kong. Davarish Gu, we have to move."

Leon Trotsky and Gu Shunzhang were waiting in Victoria Harbor for the cruise ship from Hong Kong to Turkey to depart. Before the ship departed, Trotsky looked back at the city where he had lived for two years.

Gu Shunzhang: "Teacher, is Türkiye necessarily safe? I mean, Türkiye is closer to the Soviet Union than Hong Kong is to the Soviet Union."

Trotsky: "Türkiye is a little better because Stalinists are not welcome in Türkiye."

Gu Shunzhang's head was wrapped in thick gauze. Seven days earlier, in a bizarre encounter, three assassins stormed the restaurant where Trotsky was dining, opened fire, and Gu Shunzhang, while shielding Trotsky from the scene, was shot in the left ear.

Because of this failed assassination attempt, the British Hong Kong authorities expelled Gu Shunzhang and Trotsky on the grounds of illegal use of firearms.

The British had long known that Trotsky was hiding in Hong Kong and were well aware of his character. However, after studying Trotsky's arguments, London decided that he was so interesting that it would be beneficial for him to continue writing. Therefore, they instructed the British Hong Kong authorities to tacitly allow Trotsky to stay in Hong Kong temporarily.

But last week's gunfight made the British Hong Kong authorities change their minds. These white geese showed no respect for martial ethics, firing directly in the most crowded street. Not only was Gu Shunzhang slightly injured, but four bystanders who were eating melons were also shot, one of whom was British.

Although it was fun to keep Trotsky around, the waves of assassinations were no fun, so Trotsky had no choice but to be expelled from the country.

"Comrade Mentor, before you passed away, we were unable to translate the entire text of 'The Permanent Revolution'. Alas."

Gao Yuhan said regretfully, "It would be very inconvenient if I had any semantic questions while translating the second half of the translation."

"It is no inconvenience to keep corresponding with me. You comrades in Hong Kong continue the translation work and finish it." Trotsky did not think this was an important matter.

Gao Yuhan: "Teacher, during the translation process, I have been thinking about China's Communist Revolution and how it can continue to remain revolutionary."

Trotsky: "You may continue to think. But as I told you last time, the comrades of the Chinese Revolutionary Communist Party do not fully understand Marx's revolutionary theory. You understand only 80 percent, or, to be optimistic, 85 percent. To be a true Marxist, 99 percent is not enough; you must understand 100 percent."

Gao Yuhan: "So we, the comrades of the Chinese Revolutionary Communist Party, particularly hope that our mentor will continue to stay in Hong Kong and guide our ideological theory."

"I'm interested in how Marxist revolutionary theory is practiced in Russia and the Soviet Union, because Russia is the model of the communist revolution. I haven't done particularly in-depth research on China, I must admit. China hasn't reached the same stage as the Soviet Union," Trotsky patted Gao Yuhan on the shoulder. "Perhaps what you should do is improve the theory."

Gao Yuhan: "We will continue to study theory according to your instructions. But...shouldn't the CCP also do some practical work?"

Gu Shunzhang: "Old Gao, you have to be careful when you do things. Don't be fooled by the friendly words of the CCP leaders. They are actually ruthless and showed no mercy when it came to eliminating the influence of the Communist International."

Trotsky: "The biggest difference between the Paris Commune and the Russian Revolution is that the Guangzhou revolutionary government always performs military miracles. What a pity! Ten years ago, if I had the army and generals of Guangzhou, Warsaw would have been captured long ago."

Gao Yuhan: "In fact, the Soviet Union should now march westward, capture Warsaw, Berlin, and Paris, and take advantage of the Great Depression in the West to completely destroy the capitalist world, rather than humbly begging the West to sell them a few machine tools year after year."

Trotsky: “Such was the weakness and compromise of Stalin.”

Moscow.

Stalin met with Cai Hesen today.

Although he was the "quasi-ambassador" of the Guangzhou United Government to the Soviet Union, Cai Hesen's work was not very busy. This is not to say that Sino-Soviet relations were in the Cold War, but that the two countries now had few areas in which they could cooperate, and there was no aid-aid relationship.

The Soviet Union couldn't afford aid to China, and China certainly couldn't either. The Soviet Union exported grain and minerals in exchange for machinery, while China exported agricultural products and minerals in exchange for machinery. Everyone was struggling to make ends meet...

That's pretty much it.

"We have just noticed that Leon Trotsky has been hiding in Hong Kong for the past two years and has just been expelled from Hong Kong. Moreover, his followers in Hong Kong have formed a 'Revolutionary Communist Party of China'."

Stalin suddenly broached the subject of Trotsky.

"Trotsky..." Cai Hesen was slightly surprised. He had certainly heard of the name, but it was hardly mentioned in the Soviet Union anymore. "I don't know what the Chinese Revolutionary Communist Party's stance is. If it's Trotsky's, our Guangzhou Coalition Government, the Kuomintang Revolutionary Committee, or our Party will not adopt their theories."

Stalin: "Trotsky cunningly set up this party headquarters in Hong Kong to escape your supervision. We must not be lenient with Trotsky and his followers. If people who believe in this set of theories are allowed to enter your revolutionary ranks, they will confuse the revolutionary ranks's thinking."

"Comrade Chairman," Cai Hesen said with a wry smile, "even without Trotsky, our current thinking would be so diverse. Our Party's line is the alliance of workers, peasants, and the petty bourgeoisie, and the National Agricultural Cooperatives Association is based on Mao Runzhi's theory of rural autonomy. This is consistent with the general line, but the Federation of Trade Unions is definitely not; it was established by anarchists. Comrade Chen Duxiu studied the process of transferring surplus value from workers in the state power established in Guangzhou. Comrade Li Dazhao advocated the theory of New Democracy, and Comrade Deng Yanda advocated that dictatorship must be first passed before democracy can be achieved."

"There are more popular ideas. Feng Youlan was revising Neo-Confucianism, while Zhao Yuanren wanted to overthrow Confucianism. Lu Xun believed that the nation's inherent inferiority was the greatest obstacle to national progress. Hu Shi flew to Guangzhou to refute Lu Xun, saying that it didn't matter whether the nation or the individual was inferior or not; it was the poor system that allowed darkness and meanness to become the dominant character of the people. Yang Du was studying why the Qin system lasted for two thousand years, while Qian Mu believed that the Qin system didn't last two thousand years. Guo Moruo said, "Stop arguing, help me see if I translated this oracle bone script correctly." Even if Trotsky himself had come to Guangzhou, he would have returned disappointed, because the thinking in Guangzhou was already in chaos and there was no need for him to disrupt it."

Stalin: "I know that your culture is very active now. Yes, the topics you mentioned are debatable. Because they are not important, your General Secretary allows them to be debated. Trotsky's ideas, on the other hand, touch upon the deepest structures of the Party and the state. Once he penetrates the organization, the chaos he will cause will be unprecedented."

Cai Hesen: "I don't know if this is happening in China, but even if members of the Chinese Revolutionary Communist Party came to Guangzhou to preach, they could only conduct simple academic discussions in places like the Sun Yat-sen University forum."

Stalin: "Academic discussion is also dangerous. I have always advocated a resolute purge of the Trotskyists, using any means, but never debate with them. As soon as you begin a so-called debate on Trotsky's ideas, you are not far from chaos."

Guangzhou.

Sun Yat-sen University.

Zheng Chaolin stood on the podium of the "Thought Forum" of Sun Yat-sen University with mixed feelings.

Commissioned by Gao Yuhan, he came to Guangzhou to publicize the political platform of the Chinese Revolutionary Communist Party. Initially, he sneaked into Sun Yat-sen University like a thief, distributing flyers. After handing out just a few, he encountered a student working in the External Relations Department of the Sun Yat-sen University Student Union. This student union official apprehended Zheng Chaolin and immediately persuaded him to give a formal speech at the Thought Forum. The price was reasonable: only 300 silver paper. For an additional 50 yuan, the student union would help with publicity.

Zheng Chaolin paid 350 yuan, and the day before the speech, posters announcing Zheng Chaolin's speech were posted everywhere on campus:

【Father of the Red Army】【Conqueror of Eastern Europe】【On par with Stalin】【"Little Lenin" - Trotsky】

Theory of Continuous Revolution

Narrated by [Trotsky's Four Disciples], [Eastern Saint], and [Mentor Zheng Chaolin]!

【Exciting, don't miss it! 】

These posters made Zheng Chaolin's scalp tingle, and his face turned red and white. "Classmates, teachers, and staff friends."

Zheng Chaolin still gritted his teeth and started his speech.

"I'm eagerly looking forward to today's lecture. I also hope that after this class, we can change from calling friends to comrades."

“The permanent revolution was not an original idea of ​​Comrade Trotsky. Stalin called the theory of permanent revolution Trotskyism, which is wrong. Comrade Trotsky never considered himself the founder of Trotskyism. He and like-minded people like me believed that we had only correctly understood and inherited the most basic ideas of Marxist theory.”

In 1850, Marx and Engels wrote the Address of the Central Committee to the Communist League, which summarized and discussed the process and results of the German Revolution of 1848, as well as the tasks and future of the revolution. In the article, Marx wrote:

“It is our interest and our task, proletarian revolutionaries, to carry on the revolution uninterruptedly until the proletariat has conquered power and abolished the rule of all ruling classes, large and small; until the unity of the proletariat has developed, not only in one country but in all the dominant countries of the world, to such an extent that competition among the proletarians of these countries has ceased, or the decisive productive forces have been concentrated in the hands of the proletariat.”

"At the end of the text, Marx and Engels concluded with the following sentence: 'Their slogan should be: Continuous Revolution.'"

Zheng Chaolin gradually got into the mood on the stage and told the audience about the theory that Trotsky had been advocating for more than a decade and had recently systematized in "The Permanent Revolution".

"Teacher Zheng."

A student raised his hand and asked, "You said revolution should be carried out in all the dominant capitalist countries in the world. But as far as I know, after the October Revolution, the Soviet Union launched an attack on Poland, but it failed."

Zheng Chaolin: "There are many reasons for the defeat in Poland. For example, I personally believe that the Soviet Red Army was not a purely revolutionary army at the time and was mixed with many bourgeois elements, which led to the disastrous defeat in the Polish Campaign. ... But, students, the core of Marx's theory is permanent revolution—uninterrupted revolution, primarily the self-revolution of the proletariat. The Polish Campaign is merely an extension of this theory of permanent revolution, which we call 'world revolution.'"

"First, we must establish the theory of 'permanent revolution' and put it into practice. Only then can we consider 'world revolution'."

"Teacher Zheng, the commander who failed at the gates of Warsaw was Trotsky again." Another student in the audience added loudly without standing up.

Zheng Chaolin: "Yes, it was Comrade Trotsky who commanded this battle. But what I want to explain to you is the theory of permanent revolution. You can say Trotsky was not good at fighting, that he had high aspirations but low skills, in short, you can say whatever you want. Anyway, Trotsky is not here today. You can even look down on me, saying I am not even as good as Trotsky because I have never led troops in battle, haha."

"But do you judge your view of 'permanent revolution' by whether or not Trotsky or I would fight?"

Zheng Chaolin looked around the room. The audience was finally more attentive than before. "Since the French Revolution, waves of bourgeois and proletarian revolution have swept across Europe. Within a single country, there have been more than one revolution. This was true in France, and in Russia as well."

"The 1905 Revolution dealt a blow to the Tsar's imperial power. The February Revolution of 1917 overthrew the Tsarist monarchy and established a bourgeois democratic republic. But this was still not enough, so the October Revolution came, and the Bolsheviks overthrew the February Revolution government and established the Soviet regime."

"But does the revolution end here? Will Russia no longer need a revolution to overthrow the ruling clique? Comrade Stalin said, yes. Trotsky said, no, Marx told us long ago that revolutionaries need to constantly revolutionize."

“There are many details of the Russian Revolution that may not be clear to people in China, but Comrade Trotsky noticed them.”

"Beginning in 1922, Comrade Lenin established special treatment rules for approximately 1.5 senior Soviet cadres, covering Party cadres from the central government down to local townships. State leaders were provided with special cars and drivers, while higher-ranking leaders received villas, servants, and even more benefits. In 1927, the Soviet Union began to open special supply stores specifically for officials."

"It's conceivable that as time went on, the number of people enjoying privileges in the Soviet Union would increase, and their treatment would become higher and higher. In the end, these people would form a new class."

Zheng Chaolin took a sip of water and continued:

“This is the significance of the theory of permanent revolution. The conquest of power by the proletariat does not complete the revolution; it only begins it. In countries where the revolution has been victorious, revolutionaries must carry out a second, third, or even more revolutions, overthrowing the ruling class, which has degenerated into a special interest group, until they obtain a pure political power, run by members who wholeheartedly work for the interests of the people.”

"Only after we establish a consensus that 'communism can only be achieved through continuous revolution' can we expand the discussion to the so-called world revolution. But we must remember that continuous revolution does not refer solely to world revolution, nor does it refer to the Battle of Warsaw."

Chapter 78: Mao Zedong meets Trotsky

Zheng Chaolin gave his first lecture at Sun Yat-sen University and found it very effective.

The 350 yuan was well spent.

It would be better if the promotional advertisements posted on campus were not so eye-catching.

After reporting back to Hong Kong to the Revolutionary Communist Party Central Committee, the headquarters also agreed that the 350 yuan was a good deal. Zheng Chaolin then returned to Guangzhou and contacted the student union about the forum. The union told him it was not possible because the school was on winter vacation.

"Porridge bucket, your porridge bucket needs to be washed."

"Comrade Supervisor, the porridge factory operates 24 hours a day, and we have to distribute porridge for 20 hours. The porridge bucket is always in use and can be refilled at any time when it is finished. It won't get smelly."

Xiang Jingyu, Vice Minister of Civil Affairs, and a social relief supervisor appeared at the porridge factory in Xiguan to inspect the porridge distribution process there.

The Guangdong Provincial Joint Government has no established unemployment insurance system. Currently, the government's primary focus is on promoting work-related injury insurance and compensation systems within factories and enterprises, and it's a good thing they've managed to do that. For social assistance, Guangzhou relies on the city's 40-plus porridge factories.

The person in charge of the porridge factory explained and asked Xiang Jingyu to look at the big iron barrel in front of him that could hold hundreds of kilograms of porridge. There was a pot of steaming porridge in the barrel without any green or yellow mold, but the surface of the barrel was quite dirty.

"At least you should rinse the outside of the bucket. The dirt and grime are unsightly," Xiang Jingyu said. "Spoon! Give me a spoon."

She scooped a spoonful of porridge from the porridge bucket. It was a mixture of rice and corn grits in a 1:1 ratio. Xiang Jingyu found a chopstick and stuck it into the bottom to roughly check the consistency.

Supervisor: "Minister Xiang, there haven't been any cold snaps this winter. Two spoonfuls of porridge like this is enough to last a day."

"Leaders, aren't all those who come here to eat porridge people who can't afford to eat? The Ministry of Civil Affairs should identify those who are truly poor." The porridge factory director looked a little dissatisfied. "Look at that guy, that guy in a suit—see? A three-piece suit! He's actually here to get porridge."

Xiang Jingyu: "Having a suit doesn't necessarily mean you have money to eat. A person without money won't necessarily pawn his clothes for food. If he pawns his clothes, what will he wear? Besides, he still has to look for a job."