The Fourth Outstanding Person of Huangpu Military Academy
Chapter 175 of The Fourth Hero
I wonder what the second- and third-rate troops and security groups in those counties in western Hunan felt when the battle broke out and they saw the peasant army outside the city and the bombers overhead at the same time.
The bombs used by the AEG C.4 were carried on the gray trade route, shoulder-to-shoulder. Each bomb weighed 50 kilograms, making it easy for the porters. Fuel—fuel was even less of a problem. A barrel of oil, if you said it contained kerosene for lighting, would be enough to refute it.
The Hunan Campaign took three months to prepare. The Xiangxi Airport was the largest project, and the other preparatory work was also complicated, with much of the work starting in February.
The artillery of the First Army had been transferred from Guangdong to Hunan in advance.
This was a bit too early, considering that the first lunar month falls in February, and the migrant workers on the Nanling section of the Guangdong-Hankou Railway return home for the holiday, so the road is relatively unobstructed. After the first lunar month, the road will be a mess, filled with cars and carriages working on the road.
第一军编有1个克虏伯75毫米野炮营和1个辽十四式77毫米野炮营,现在革命军的75毫米山炮编制在师,75毫米野炮因为太重以及射程本身很远,都编制在军一级。
After the field artillery was transferred to Hunan, the work of transporting and storing ammunition from Guangzhou to Chenzhou and Hengyang also began.
The same movement of supplies and troops also took place on the road from eastern Guangdong to Ganzhou. "Rolls-Royce? I actually saw a Rolls-Royce in Ganzhou?"
The General Staff motorcade arrived in Ganzhou. The first thing Chen Tianheng saw when he got out was a Rolls-Royce, a Phantom. Next to the car was a foreigner in a suit and top hat, holding a cane.
Jiang Xianyun: "This is the manager of a British mining and trading company. He's said to be a baron."
Ganzhou is now the center of the global tungsten ore trade. The traditional mining methods of digging with hoes, washing ore by the river, and transporting it by carrying baskets have been replaced by a modern transportation system of mines, beneficiation plants, heavy trucks, and barges. By January 1929, the counties of southern Jiangxi accounted for 35% of the world's total tungsten production, and this figure is said to increase to 45% the following year.
Businessmen and engineers from all over the world flocked here, seeking contracts or engineering projects. Fund companies speculating in tungsten futures also stationed informants (observers) there. Every move in Ganzhou affected the global tungsten market: a flooded mine, a landslide on a road, or even a rumor that General Chiang Kai-shek was planning to attack Ganzhou—all of these would cause fluctuations in tungsten futures.
The land in the urban area surrounded by the old city wall of Ganzhou is no longer sufficient. In the past six months, new buildings have begun to grow unscrupulously on the vacant land outside Ganzhou city, including quite a few Western-style hotels and restaurants.
Therefore, Ganzhou now has a nickname: Little Guangzhou.
"It seems that the possibility of Chiang Kai-shek attacking Ganzhou is getting lower and lower." Chen Tianheng said, "Furthermore, if we send additional troops to Ganzhou and pass through the vicinity of Ganzhou, the whole world will know immediately."
Jiang Xianyun: "That's true. Chiang Kai-shek's troops in Nanchang have spent the past six months building a defensive line and constructing various bunkers. The arrival of the Fourth Army in Ganzhou will convince Chiang Kai-shek that we are preparing to attack Nanchang."
Chen Tianheng: "The General Staff now believes that creating a false attack on Fuzhou and Yingtan would be more shocking to Chiang Kai-shek than feigning an attack on Nanchang. Taking Fuzhou and Yingtan would mean we have opened up a road from southern Jiangxi to eastern Jiangxi and western Zhejiang, directly penetrating the core area of Chiang Kai-shek's rule."
Jiang Xianyun: "There's a vacuum zone between Ganzhou and Fuzhou-Yingtan. We've captured those county towns, but we don't have a large garrison there. Chiang Kai-shek's army has no intention of attacking, because the rural areas outside the county towns are under our rule and are very strong. There's also a psychological factor. The last time they attacked Ganzhou through this route, we defeated them severely. If we want to create a strategic illusion, the Third Army can quickly pass through this vacuum zone and reach the outskirts of Fuzhou."
Chen Tianheng: "What is the current overall combat capability of the Third Army?"
"The technical arms have been greatly strengthened compared to a year ago," Jiang Xianyun said. "All three divisions are equipped with mountain artillery battalions. While our artillery is stronger than the Second Army's, our mobility in mountainous terrain may not be as good as the Second Army's. The excess artillery makes marching difficult. As for mastering basic techniques and tactics, the Third Army, having undergone two anti-encirclement and suppression campaigns, has accumulated combat experience, and the capabilities of its veteran soldiers and non-commissioned officers are also quite high."
In addition to the Third Army in Ganzhou, there was another army: the Seventh Army, which was in the process of formation, and Xiao Jinguangren, commander of the Fourth Division of the Second Army, was the commander of the Seventh Army.
The Kulun Independent Division transferred from Guangzhou to Ganzhou can now be called the 19th Division. The 20th Division and the 21st Division were respectively awarded flags and established in Xingguo and Ruijin, which are not far from Ganzhou.
However, there was a problem: the Kulun Independent Division was the least combat-experienced division within the Seventh Army. The 20th and 21st Divisions were originally local troops from the Gannan base area. These independent regiments were established long ago, and some even participated in the anti-encirclement and suppression campaigns of the previous year.
The Kulun Independent Division was originally transferred to southern Jiangxi to gain practical combat experience: suppressing bandits. However, when the Kulun Independent Division was transferred to the vicinity of Jinggang Mountain, Yuan Wencai and Wang Zuo, who were on the mountain, immediately declared an uprising. Now, this group has left the mountain. Ordinary members have either been allocated land under the coordination of the rural grassroots government or are mining in Ganzhou. Yuan Wencai and Wang Zuo serve in the farmers' association near Ji'an.
The Kulun Independent Division only fought two small bandit groups in southern Jiangxi, totaling less than 200 men. Guan Linzheng: "General Chen, there won't be any further battles. The Jiangxi direction is all a sham. There won't be any fighting at all, right?"
Chen Tianheng: "Not necessarily. If the situation requires, in the Jiangxi direction, you and the Third Army will launch an attack on Fuzhou or Yingtan. However, the attacking force must be able to disengage at any time."
"It's about being able to move forward and backward freely, right? Our division can do that. But," Guan Linzheng said, "General Chen, there's another question. Chiang Kai-shek won't take action against Hubei, Henan, and Anhui. How can he be so patient?"
Chen Tianheng: "It wasn't Chiang Kai-shek who could tolerate it, it was Feng Yuxiang who could tolerate it..."
Feng Yuxiang... is now preparing to launch a major attack, but not to fight a war.
In December 1928, the dispute between Feng Yuxiang and Chiang Kai-shek over disarmament reached a climax. Chiang Kai-shek simply laid his cards on the table: either your troops go fight against the Communists, or your military pay will be stopped.
So Feng Yuxiang sent Fang Zhenwu's 41st Army, Ma Wende's 42nd Army, and Gao Guizi's 46th Army. The three armies moved step by step, reluctantly and dawdlingly from the northwest to Zhengzhou. They arrived at the Jinghan Line at the end of January 1939 and were quickly sent to Hankou by train.
After arriving in Hankou, it was time for the three armies to go to the battlefield. Huangan Macheng, the plain area of the Hubei-Henan-Anhui base area, was less than 100 kilometers away from Hankou. However, under Feng Yuxiang's instructions, the three armies found various excuses to shirk and delay.
One day they said the extra pay hadn't arrived, the next they said they hadn't given enough ammunition. Then, when ammunition was finally in stock, they said there were too many sick people suffering from the unfamiliar climate. Finally, they said they weren't used to the food in Wuhan and needed some northwestern noodles.
Chiang Kai-shek was also annoyed. After haggling for more than half a month, Nanjing issued an ultimatum: If Feng Yuxiang does not take action, these three armies will be disbanded on the spot, the three armies will be merged into one division, and the army commander will be demoted three levels to a regimental commander.
At the same time, Chiang Kai-shek bypassed Feng Yuxiang and privately conveyed a message to the commanders of the three armies: If you do not listen to Feng Yuxiang and act in accordance with Nanjing's military orders, there will be no military cuts, and you will enjoy the treatment of the Central Army in the future.
However, the Northwest Army was still relatively united at this time. Although the three army commanders hesitated for a while, they ultimately did not agree to Chiang Kai-shek's promise.
Of course, besides unity, another reason was that attacking the Hubei-Henan-Anhui base area was difficult. Last year, the elite Guangxi clique troops were deployed to fight the Communists, but they were beaten and paralyzed. The generals of the Northwest Army considered themselves and decided that compared with "receiving the central army's food and wages", "not sending away all the troops" was a more important consideration.
When persuasion for surrender failed, Chiang Kai-shek turned his attention to Feng Yuxiang.
On February 20, the military funds that should have been transferred to Feng Yuxiang through the Northwest Military and Political Committee disappeared.
Not just the three armies sent to Hankou, but all the Northwest Army had their salaries stopped.
Feng Yuxiang telegraphed Chiang Kai-shek, and Chiang Kai-shek repeated what he had said to Feng Yuxiang in December last year.
Feng Yuxiang gritted his teeth and found Yu Youren, a veteran of the Kuomintang in the northwest. On February 24, Feng Yuxiang and Yu Youren jointly sent a telegram to the whole country.
"Since joining the Tongmenghui, Huanzhang has spent half his life in the military, striving solely to save the country and the people, expel the Tartars, overthrow the Beiyang warlords, and practice the Three Principles of the People."
"Now that the Beiyang warlords have collapsed, Huanzhang believes this should be a time for peaceful construction, the development of industry and commerce, and the restoration of people's livelihoods. Continuing civil war and fighting for power and profit are unbecoming of revolutionary soldiers."
"Disbanding the army and unifying and reorganizing it is a necessary prerequisite for peaceful construction. Huanzhang also agrees. However, disbanding the army should be treated equally and should not be used as a pretext for partisanship and arbitrary dictatorship. We should be biased based on the severity of the external threat and should not ignore the serious situation in the northwest and rashly disband the good troops guarding the border."
"We should not use the pretext of disarmament to drive our troops to attack the Communist regimes in Hubei and Anhui. This would go against the tide of history, restart the civil war, and undermine the peace agreement."
"Northwest warriors will never obey this secret order. Huan Zhang, seductive, ugly, respectful"
Feng Yuxiang's telegram stunned newspapers in cities across the country for a while. What? Chiang Kai-shek wants to attack the Communists?
This was done secretly, and a secret order was sent to Feng Yuxiang?
When did it happen?
Chapter 27: The Anti-Communist Order is Exposed
When 1929 arrived, people across the country suddenly realized that the year 1928 had been a peaceful year with basically no domestic war.
There was no active fighting in Guangzhou and Nanjing. Nationwide, the only incidents were the suppression of a small Shaanxi warlord by Feng Yuxiang in his area of governance, and two internal conflicts within Sichuan.
The Shaanxi clique fought fiercely, but with fewer than 3,000 troops, their operations were limited to a single county. The Sichuan army engaged in two internal conflicts, deploying over 30,000 troops and suffering 17 casualties.
The nation's economy and livelihoods have improved over the past year. This is true not only for the Guangzhou Coalition Government region, but also for the Nanjing government region. Despite the shackles of widespread lijin, high land rents, and collusion between officials, merchants, and compradors, the economies of various provinces have also improved somewhat compared to before. After all, the hard work of two or three hundred million people always leaves a mark.
Now Feng Yuxiang suddenly sent a "respectful telegram" revealing a huge secret: Chiang Kai-shek wants to go to war again? Huh?
Faced with overwhelming questioning from public opinion across the country, the Nanjing government did not immediately defend or deny the allegations, which gave the intellectuals and journalists a sense of foreboding.
Three days later, Nanjing's political officials, both big and small, still hadn't said anything informative, and the Nationalist army headquarters spoke out.
"The Northern Expedition was victorious, the North and the South peacefully changed flags, and the country was unified. We urgently needed to expedite construction to complete national rejuvenation. However, the Communist Party first turned to the Soviet Union, intending to turn China into a communist and sell out national sovereignty. Then, they joined forces with communist elements of the Communist Party, taking advantage of the situation to rebel, occupying many provinces in Guangdong, Hunan, and Jiangxi, and dividing the country into separatist regimes."
"Since the 17th year of the Republic of China, the Chen and Deng rebels have viewed the Nationalist government's concessions as indulgence and its sincere intentions for peace as nothing. They have wantonly encroached on the countryside, slaughtered civilians, undermined the foundations of the nation, and damaged the Republic's legal system. If they are not quickly eliminated, not only will the gains of the Nationalist Revolution be lost, but they will also cause endless harm, leaving the Chinese nation with no hope of rejuvenation. How can we, the soldiers, face our compatriots, and even more so, how can we face the spirit of the late Premier?"
"The suppression of communism is essential to the well-being of the people and must be carried out without further delay. The military and civilians of the entire nation must uphold the spirit of past revolutions, follow the instructions issued by Chiang Kai-shek, supervise their subordinates, and strive to suppress it. Those who contribute to the country will be rewarded, while those who delay and delay will be punished according to law..."
This headquarters order signed by Chiang Kai-shek was called the "Anti-Communist Order". Rumors of the Anti-Communist Order had been circulating in a small circle since January 1930. It was said that Chiang Kai-shek had issued it to various military leaders. Now the headquarters simply made a public version of this order and released it.
In the current Nanjing government's "gun commands the party" structure, the headquarters represents the army, and what the army says is basically what the Kuomintang says.
"We have noticed the 'suppression of communism' order issued by the pseudo-Nanjing government headquarters. At the same time, our intelligence also confirms that Chiang Kai-shek and his cronies are planning a second campaign of encirclement and suppression against the coalition government."
Qu Qiubai, spokesman for the coalition government, responded to reporters' questions about the order to suppress the Communists.
"The United Government and the revolutionary army will resolutely fight back against Chiang Kai-shek's reactionary army and thwart the Nanjing government's attempt to encircle and suppress it."
Reporter: "The disclosure of the Nanjing encirclement and suppression plan originated from the telegram issued by Feng Yuxiang and Yu Youren. What is the coalition government's comment on General Feng Yuxiang's recent actions?"
Qu Qiubai: "Feng Yuxiang was a key follower of Chiang Kai-shek's clique during the 1927 purge, playing a deeply disgraceful role and siding with the counter-revolution. We noted Feng Yuxiang's 'respectful telegram' and the performance of the troops he dispatched in Wuhan, but this was the natural behavior of a new warlord caught up in the factional struggles within the Nanjing government. Feng Yuxiang remains in the counter-revolutionary camp, but objectively speaking, the 'respectful telegram' played a positive role in exposing Chiang Kai-shek's reactionary actions and providing the people of the country with an opportunity to call for peace."
Reporter: "Currently, everyone is speculating about where Chiang Kai-shek would focus his operations if he launched a campaign of encirclement and suppression. Do you have any information you can share?"
Qu Qiubai: "We have obtained a large amount of intelligence on Chiang Kai-shek's encirclement and suppression campaign, but due to the confidentiality of military operations, now is not the time to disclose this information."
Reporter: "If Chiang Kai-shek's army launches an attack on southern Jiangxi, will your revolutionary army be able to keep Chiang Kai-shek's army out?"
Qu Qiubai glanced at the reporter, who was British and came from Hong Kong.
"Chiang Kai-shek's encirclement and suppression campaign is an unjust war against the people, the state, and the revolution. It will inevitably be completely defeated before the iron wall of our army and people. The revolutionary army is not only capable of defending the liberated people and our base areas, but also has the ability and confidence to expand the gains of the revolution and continuously advance our revolutionary cause until victory is achieved throughout the country."
After reporters transcribed and analyzed the Q&A at the press conference, most people had this guess:
If Chiang Kai-shek really launched a campaign of encirclement and suppression, the Guangzhou government's counter-encirclement and suppression plan would probably be the same as the previous encirclement and suppression war, which was to defend first and then counterattack to make a small profit.
The last time we launched a defensive counterattack, it was in Xiangnan, and the winner was Hengyang. This time... maybe it will be in the direction of Jiangxi?
It's not impossible. Ganzhou is becoming increasingly important to the Guangzhou government. If the revolutionary army could expand its territory in Jiangxi, all the way to the outskirts of Nanchang, or even capture Nanchang, then southern Jiangxi would be even safer.
The "Order to Suppress the Communists" issued by the headquarters and officially confirmed by a spokesperson from Guangzhou triggered another major event:
3.5 Anti-civil war march.
The anti-civil war movement began on March 2nd, when thousands of workers and students in Shanghai took to the streets, protesting the civil war and calling for peace. On March 3rd, over 10,000 people joined the protesters in Beijing. This movement culminated in large-scale anti-war demonstrations on March 5th across more than a dozen cities under Chiang Kai-shek's rule, including Beijing, Shanghai, Nanjing, Tianjin, and Wuhan. Over 100,000 people took to the streets in both Beijing and Shanghai.
The demonstrations in Beijing seemed to be patronized and condoned by Zhang Zuolin. The student organizers had received advance warning from a mysterious individual, who told them they could chant whatever slogans they wanted, as long as they didn't shout Communist slogans or identify themselves as Communists. Sure enough, on the second day of the demonstration, Beijing police simply stood guard to maintain order.
The demonstrations in Shanghai were suppressed, with more than 100 people arrested and dozens injured. The organizers of the demonstrations eventually hid in the concessions.
The demonstrations in Nanjing were suppressed even more violently. Police opened fire, killing two people and dozens of others, and more than 300 people were arrested and imprisoned.
"Why did Chiang Kai-shek want to go to war again? I have never been able to figure it out." Guangzhou.
At the Military Commission meeting, Chen Duxiu raised a question.
"I've always thought he didn't raise a lot of money for military expenses this time. Thirty-five million silver dollars is only five million more than the thirty million silver dollars he raised last time. The army isn't well-trained either. Last year, they hired a German military advisory group, and in six months, they only managed to produce an instructor for the Central Military Academy. Chiang Kai-shek's other armies remain largely unchanged."
Deng Yanda: "Even the instructor himself didn't understand it clearly."
Chen Tianheng: "In this case, Chiang Kai-shek's army used war to elevate its own status in order to expand its own position, or at least to ensure that its position did not decline."
"To prevent the government's finances from being crushed by the massive army and military spending, Chiang Kai-shek worked tirelessly throughout 1928 to reduce the military. This included cutting back on the armies of local powerful factions, as well as some of his own troops. From Chiang Kai-shek's perspective, as long as his own troops maintained an absolute advantage over the local powerful factions, that was enough. But the army felt it was not enough."
"Chiang Kai-shek was obsessed with annihilating us, but he knew he didn't have enough money and his army wasn't strong enough, so he temporarily put the idea of suppressing the Communists aside. However, the army needed a war to consolidate or improve its position. So, although we don't know the specific details now, the army and its leader, Chiang Kai-shek, must have negotiated and finally reached a consensus: suppress the Communists."
"Information from both the Special Operations Group and the Military Intelligence Department supports this speculation. Chiang Kai-shek's plan to suppress the Communists can be simply described as 'Attack the North, Defend the South.' The focus was on attacking the Hubei-Henan-Anhui base area, presumably with the intention of completely annihilating this relatively isolated base north of the Yangtze River. In the south, whether toward Changsha, Jiangxi, Fujian, or Guangxi, a defensive stance was adopted."
"Whether it's defensive or offensive, it doesn't really matter. What matters is that during the suppression of the Communists, the areas under Chiang Kai-shek's control will be militarized and turned into war, which satisfies the army's desire."
Chen Duxiu: "Does the General Staff have any additions or ideas of its own regarding the overall plan for the counter-encirclement and suppression campaign?"
Chen Tianheng: "The Central Committee's overall goal is to defeat the enemy in the counter-encirclement and suppression campaign and seize most of Hunan, including Changsha, with a particular emphasis on the Pingxiang coal mines and the rice-producing areas of central Hunan. To achieve this goal, we must conduct strategic misdirection to mislead Chiang Kai-shek about our army's true objectives, allowing the General Staff to mobilize all available troops to the Hunan battlefield. This work is already underway, with a Central Government spokesperson laying the groundwork a few days ago. However, there remains one uncertain factor: the Hubei-Henan-Anhui base area."
"We also need to ensure that when the anti-encirclement and suppression campaign ends and both sides cease fire, the Hubei-Henan-Anhui base area can regain its pre-war control area. Specifically, it is the plains around Huangan and Macheng. If we cannot regain control of this area, the area under the Hubei-Henan-Anhui base area will be too limited, which will greatly affect the survival and development of the base area."
Mao Runzhi: "The national revolution will always have its ups and downs. It would be strange if it didn't retreat at all. The area of the Hubei-Henan-Anhui base area can be reduced. As long as we take Hunan, then Hunan and Guangdong provinces will be strong in commerce and industry, and this will complement and strengthen each other. If the Hubei-Henan-Anhui base area is too poor to sustain, the 6th Army can even withdraw to the south of the Yangtze River and resettle on the Hunan-Jiangxi border."
Chen Tianheng looked at Chen Duxiu and Deng Yanda, both of whom generally agreed or did not disagree with Mao Runzhi's words.
"Then the General Staff should try to formulate a proper and flexible defensive operation plan for the Hubei-Henan-Anhui base area, but also be prepared for the possibility of not being able to fully recover the territory after the anti-encirclement and suppression campaign is over."
Mao Runzhi: "As for our communication with the Guangxi clique, it would be best to release a stronger strategic illusion when communicating with the Guangxi clique."
Zhou Enlai: "The Secretariat has previously contacted the Guangxi clique. Cheng Siyuan will arrive in Guangzhou tomorrow."
"Secretary Zhou."
Zhou Enlai: "Hello, Secretary-General Cheng."
Cheng Siyuan secretly traveled from Guangxi to Guangzhou, naturally because of Chiang Kai-shek's imminent second encirclement and suppression.
Cheng Siyuan: "Recently, Chiang Kai-shek issued an order, vowing to go to war against you. Chairman Huang and Commander-in-Chief Li both expressed regret over this."
Zhou Enlai: "Chiang Kai-shek, driven by his personal ambitions, drove various local powerful factions to attack our liberated areas. This strategy is well known to everyone. Sometimes, however, local powerful factions could not resist the temptation offered by Chiang Kai-shek, and once they took the first step, there was no turning back."
Cheng Siyuan: "We have fought you once, and we firmly believe that the people of Guangxi must not fight you again, because this is a war that has nothing to do with Guangxi. If Chiang Kai-shek declares war and attacks, we will not take the initiative to attack in the direction of Guangxi or Hunan, and will not advance even a kilometer."
Zhou Enlai: "Secretary Cheng, if the Guangxi clique can expand its territory within Chiang Kai-shek's control during this anti-encirclement and suppression campaign, of course, this will come at a price. Would you consider this a profitable venture?"
Cheng Siyuan: “???!”
Chapter 28: Directly Requesting the Changsha-Zhuzhou-Tanzhou Region
Guangzhou Xijiang Wharf.
Cheng Siyuan looked out from the railing in anger, ignoring Zhou Enlai beside him. "You guys are simply robbing!"
Zhou Enlai: "It's an exchange."
"No! Jiangxi, the Nanxun Line area, is in Chiang Kai-shek's hands! Chiang Kai-shek may not send the Guangxi clique to fight in Hubei, Henan and Anhui. Even if he sent us, the Guangxi clique would not be interested in it!"
Zhou Enlai: "If our army launches a counterattack against central Jiangxi, it will draw at least three armies from the Nanxun Line to rescue Fuzhou and Yingtan. By then, there will be at most three armies left of Chiang Kai-shek's forces on the Nanxun Line, Jiujiang-Nanchang. You can send troops from the two lakes to support Nanchang, creating a garrison advantage. It is possible to take over the magpie's nest."
Cheng Siyuan: "This means that we have to forcibly seize Jiujiang and Nanchang, and directly clash with Chiang Kai-shek, or even a Chiang-Gui War. If a war breaks out, how will it end? Moreover, if we fight like this, morality will not be on our side."
Zhou Enlai: "It is certain that they will seize it by force, but direct conflict is not necessarily going to happen. I believe that Mr. Li Zongren and General Bai Chongxi have enough wisdom to solve this problem."
Cheng Siyuan: "I can't answer this for you on behalf of Commander-in-Chief Li, and I can't make any promises to you right now. You can only go back and come back."
Zhou Enlai: "Indeed. I also hope that Li and Bai can respond as soon as possible."
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