The Fourth Outstanding Person of Huangpu Military Academy

The current situation is that the Nanjing government has publicly stated that it will forcibly take back the rights to the Chinese Eastern Railway.

The Northern Expedition reached Ding in May of last year, and the flag of the Republic of China was raised in Northeast China at the end of last year. This year, Wang Zhengting, the Foreign Minister of the Nanjing government, announced a "revolutionary diplomacy" centered on revising unequal treaties, including restoring tariff autonomy, reclaiming concessions and leased territories, and reclaiming railway rights, inland navigation rights, and coastal trade rights.

Tariff autonomy is already being contested by Britain, the US, and France, and so are road rights. Last week, Nanjing officially announced that the Republic of China would soon reclaim the rights to the Chinese Eastern Railway.

So, Chen Tianheng saw the defense operation plan of the Chinese Eastern Railway at the Soviet General Staff.

This wasn't just some random arrow drawn on a map; it was a huge box of more than 70 document bags. After it was sent to Moscow, the General Staff had to review, revise, supplement, and improve it.

"Comrade Chief of General Staff, I haven't been following the recent developments and announcements from the Nanjing government. Where has the situation progressed?"

Chen Tianheng asked while dealing with the documents at hand.

"The Nanjing government didn't issue a single statement a day," Shaposhnikov said. "All of this was staff work based on the demands of the Nanjing government's Foreign Minister's 'revolutionary diplomacy' a month earlier. Of course, Lin Sen issued a new government statement last week, but that statement didn't reverse the Nanjing government's position."

Chen Tianheng: "It seems that making military plans and preparing in advance is indeed necessary."

"Dawalishi Chen, what do you think the future development of the Middle East Railway dispute will be?"

When there were only two or a few people present, Shaposhnikov was still accustomed to calling Chen Tianheng by his Chinese surname instead of "Medvedev".

Chen Tianheng: "I feel that, barring any unexpected incidents, the dispute over the rights of way of the Middle East Railway will not escalate into war or armed conflict."

Shaposhnikov: "Oh? Why?"

Chen Tianheng: "Because Zhang Zuolin, the vice chairman of the Nanjing government and the de facto ruler of the Northeast, is a man who understands the current situation.

Yes, the person in charge of Northeast China now is not Zhang Xueliang, but still Zhang Xueliang’s father.

Zhang Zuolin's ability to understand the current situation was first of all because he had a clear understanding of his own strength and knew the strength of the Northeast Army.

Secondly, Zhang Zuolin considered issues based on his own interests first. With this in mind, he would naturally think about whether he would make money or lose money, and who would benefit the most if he fought with the Soviet Union.

Of course, no matter from which perspective Zhang Zuolin considered it, it would be best for the Guangzhou United Government not to fight over the dispute over the right of way of the Chinese Eastern Railway.

Shaposhnikov: "Zhang Zuolin might have realized that his army's combat effectiveness was not enough to resist the Soviet army, but it is also possible that Chiang Kai-shek used political decrees, public opinion and moral pressure to force Zhang Zuolin to become more aggressive and resolve the issue by force.

Chen Tianheng: "Political decrees, public opinion, and moral pressure had little effect on veteran warlords like Zhang Zuolin. Perhaps Chiang Kai-shek's most effective approach would be to have the troops under his control from the interior of the Great Wall enter the Northeast via the Jinpu and Beining Railways, with the southern troops taking over the Chinese Eastern Railway. But I believe that these direct troops of Chiang Kai-shek would be stopped by Zhang Zuolin before they could enter the Northeast.

Shaposhnikov: "As far as I know, the Council of People's Commissars and Comrade Stalin have a certain open attitude towards the right of way of the Chinese Eastern Railway. The right of way of the Chinese Eastern Railway, especially the sovereignty of 30 kilometers along the railway line, is not needed by the Soviet Union, but the economic benefits of the Chinese Eastern Railway cannot be arbitrarily deprived.

Chen Tianheng: "From a business perspective, the construction of the Chinese Eastern Railway, its major equipment, stations, and locomotives were all funded by Tsarist Russia. If this were a joint-stock railway, the Soviet Union should have received 50% of the operating profits, with China then acquiring all of the shares after a certain period of time. However, Comrade Chief of the General Staff, this is where the risk lies. The Nanjing government may be more interested in railway operating income than in regaining sovereignty."

Shaposhnikov nodded. "That's a very good perspective. I think the General Staff will revise and improve this plan more purposefully."

The revisions and improvements Shaposhnikov mentioned were not about how to win this defensive battle, but how not to fight it. Chen Tianheng understood this after reading the files.

For the Guangzhou United Government, the best outcome of the dispute over the Chinese Eastern Railway would of course be to avoid fighting.

The current CCP is not a subordinate branch of the Communist International. Furthermore, the Guangzhou Coalition Government represents all of China, and the repossession of a railway line in Northeast China is theoretically the responsibility of the Guangzhou government. This is essentially a difficult somersault on a balancing beam.

Imagine a regime with its capital in Guangzhou and control over Guangdong, southern Jiangxi, and southern Hunan, having to manage a railway 3,000 kilometers away in Northeast China, where the railway was located and still under the control of the Kuomintang reactionaries.

If things had remained peaceful, with only negotiations and disputes, that would have been fine. But if the Northeast Army and the Soviet Union started fighting, there would have been no way to walk the balancing beam.

"Chen Tianheng, this is the latest statement from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Take a look at it first. I'm going to deliver a copy to each university's international student club.

Then I went to the liaison office in Moscow, and the domestic statement on the Sino-Soviet Railway dispute had indeed arrived.

"Foreign railway rights in China have been a form of aggression by Western imperialist countries since the late Qing Dynasty. 'Rights of way' have replaced sovereignty. Railways built with foreign investment have independent legal systems, military and police systems, and even sovereignty over the land along the railway lines. This has turned these railways into a drain on the Chinese people and a powerful tool for aggression against China."

“The Chinese Eastern Railway that runs across Northeast China, as well as foreign railways across the country: the Beijing-Fengtian Railway, the Beijing-Hankou Railway, the Jiaoji Railway, the Yunnan-Vietnam Railway, etc., are all relics of Western colonialism in China.

The China Democratic United Government advocates the gradual abolition of foreign railway privileges in China, the recovery of land rights along the railways, railway sovereignty, law enforcement rights, and military and police protection rights in railway areas. These are the undisputed rights of an independent country.

"Regarding foreign investment in railway survey, construction, and operation, China advocates conducting negotiations on railway acquisition and nationalization with the countries and companies that built the railways on an equal footing."

"Regarding the right of way of the Chinese Eastern Railway, the China Democratic United Government will conduct government-level communication and negotiations with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. On the basis of reaching a certain consensus, the two sides will establish a negotiation mechanism for the right of way of the Chinese Eastern Railway and start consultations on the issue of reclaiming the right of way of the Chinese Eastern Railway."

Chen Youren, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the China Democratic United Government

Chapter 11: Negotiations on System Crash

Song Dynasty Headline News: Song Duanzong Zhao Shi announced that the Song Dynasty must take back Liaodong

Chen Tianheng was amused by the sarcasm of the Republican reporters.

There's no doubt that Song Duanzong really did announce this in Guangdong. Probably on the Leizhou Peninsula, before moving on to Yashan.

But this was also what the Guangzhou Coalition Government had to do. What else could it do but declare "armed defense of the Soviet Union"?

Besides, the statement from the Guangzhou United Government's Ministry of Foreign Affairs is indeed a common diplomatic rhetoric, roughly equivalent to a fan sneaking into Barcelona's home stadium, dancing on the sidelines in a suit and tie: "Pass the ball to Messi! Pass the ball to Messi!"

"Director Wang, did you meet Stalin yesterday?

Chen Tianheng asked Wang Ruofei, who was formerly the director of the liaison office and has now been promoted to the director of the Office of Diplomatic Affairs with the Soviet Union.

Wang Ruofeifei: "I did meet with him. General Secretary Stalin talked to me about the general principles of Sino-Soviet relations, which is a relationship of friendly and mutually supportive strategic cooperation between the two countries, but he didn't discuss the specific details of the Chinese Eastern Railway issue.

Chen Tianheng: "He is the General Secretary and will not discuss specific matters with you. This sets the general tone for your talks with the Soviet People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs."

Wang Ruofei: "Indeed. I think this general tone can still be discussed.

Wang Ruofei expressed optimism about the prospects of the negotiations.

There were no reliable civil aviation routes at the time, so even though this was a major issue, Foreign Minister Chen Youren could not fly from Guangzhou to Moscow to negotiate with the Soviet People's Commissar of Foreign Affairs (Foreign Minister) to resolve the Chinese Eastern Railway issue. Instead, he authorized Wang Ruofei, the quasi-ambassador, to talk to Georgy Chicherin.

Wang Ruofei: "Commissioner Chen, are you planning to go out for practice?

"Yes," Chen Tianheng said, "The advanced command class at Frunze consists of three months of courses followed by 52 days of practical training in the military. Originally, I was working as Shaposhnikov's assistant at the Soviet General Staff, which could have been considered practical training, but the school and the Soviet Army changed their minds and sent me to the Kiev Military District Headquarters for practical training. They probably realized that if I interned at the General Staff Headquarters, I might be exposed to information that was not appropriate for me to know during this time."

Wang Ruofei: "For example, the news you told me last time.

Chen Tianheng: "Yes."

Chen Tianheng privately told Wang Ruofei that the bottom line, as learned from the Soviet General Staff, was that the Soviet Union believed that sovereignty over the Chinese Eastern Railway could be ceded to China, but that it still held the economic benefits. After all, the governments of Nanjing, Guangzhou, and the Soviet Union were all impoverished.

"Hello, Comrade Wang Ruofei.

"Greetings, Commissioner Georgy Chicherin.

Chicherin and Wang Ruofei, the two groups held formal talks.

"In accordance with the Council of People's Commissars and the principles set by Comrade Stalin on Sino-Soviet relations, I authorize you to discuss with you the ownership of the sovereignty and economic rights of the Chinese Eastern Railway, formerly known as the Chinese Eastern Railway, because the Soviet Union believes that the Democratic Coalition Government is the only legitimate government representing China.

Wang Ruofei: “Yes, this is the basis of our negotiations.

Chicherin: "If the Soviet Union and China transfer the sovereignty of the Chinese Eastern Railway, then the Soviet Union will only transfer the sovereignty of the Chinese Eastern Railway to the Guangzhou Democratic United Government."

Wang Ruofei: "We advocate that the sovereignty of the Chinese Eastern Railway return to China. This is the principle of our government and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs."

Chicherin: "If it is handed over to Zhang Zuolin, it would be equivalent to handing it over to the current Nanjing government. For both the Soviet Union and you, this would be a violation of diplomatic principles and your own norms. Do you agree with this statement?

Wang Ruofei: ...This requires further discussion between the two sides on the specific details of the transfer, including the recipient and the timetable. I believe that negotiations cannot be concluded in a single round.

There can be multiple rounds of negotiations and a timetable can be drawn up, but Davarishi, the Middle East Railway is built on the ground and cannot be moved."

Chicherin smiled slightly: "If the Soviet Union transfers the sovereignty of the Chinese Eastern Railway, you will obtain an enclave in Manchuria that is one thousand kilometers long and about thirty kilometers wide. This is probably a fact that you and I can foresee.

"However, the Soviet Union is still willing to transfer the rights to the Chinese Eastern Railway to the Guangzhou Democratic United Government."

“If you are unable to defend this enclave, which is one thousand kilometers long and thirty kilometers wide, I believe the Soviet Union can provide assistance.

After the first round of talks, Wang Ruofei's face flushed.

My goodness, Chicherin caused the system to crash during the first round of negotiations.

After returning to the liaison office, Wang Ruofei immediately ran to the secret telegram room and asked the secret telegram operators to take their positions first. He then wrote the draft of the telegram to be sent to the country.

"During the first round of negotiations, the Soviet side stated that the railway rights were equivalent to seizing part of China's sovereignty and administrative power, which was inconsistent with the Soviet Union's revolutionary policy. The Soviet Union was willing to transfer sovereignty to China.

"But Commissioner Chicherin said that if the rights to the Chinese Eastern Railway were transferred now, it would fall under the jurisdiction of the Nanjing government, which would be inconsistent with our claim to Chinese sovereignty. I agree with this."

"Commissioner Chicherin further stated that his proposal was to transfer the rights of the Chinese Eastern Railway to us, with our local administrative and political cadres stationed in the areas through which the railway passed to carry out administrative management, while the Soviet army would defend the railway. I did not agree to Chicherin's proposal, as it involved the even more sensitive issue of foreign military presence than the railway's rights of passage.

"Regarding the next phase of negotiations, please ask the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for further guidance on whether our specific principles need to be adjusted.

Wang Ruofei waited in the secret cable room for an hour, and the report from home was "Received, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Central Committee will hold a meeting to discuss it."

Not only Wang Ruofei, but also the entire Guangzhou Revolutionary Government had little experience in diplomacy. The logical bug created by Chicherin really required a meeting to discuss and decide.

The next day, Wang Ruofei received a second call back from China:

"Foreign Minister Chen Youren will end his informal visit to France early and travel to Moscow to personally preside over the negotiations on the rights of the Chinese Eastern Railway.

Paris.

French Brandt Arms Company.

Foreign Minister Chen Youren is visiting Brandt with a four-member "Industrial Advisory Group".

The Industrial Advisory Group, led by Nie Rongzhen, was a group that, while purportedly an advisory group, was actually primarily procuring industrial equipment abroad, primarily arms and arms production equipment. Brandt Arms was a prime purchaser in France, as it was the leading designer and manufacturer of mortars.

Last year, Brandt introduced the MLE-27 mortar, which caused a sensation across Europe as soon as it was released. This 81mm mortar is lighter than the Stokes mortar, easier to load and unload, and has a longer range, making it a nearly perfect infantry escort firepower.

Moreover, the MLE-27 is a smoothbore, low-pressure, and simple-structured gun, which means that it is easier to produce than a 75mm mountain gun.

It is now 1928. Less than a year after the launch of the MLE-27, it has received orders from four countries, and two countries are willing to purchase patent licenses and set up factories in their own countries to produce it.

If China is included, there may be five countries placing orders, or even three countries willing to purchase patent licenses.

"This is the MLE-27 mortar crew.

Brandt Company's consultant/reception tour guide brought Chen Youren and his party from Paris to the provinces. Brandt Company bought a large piece of land as a weapons testing site.

There is a mortar placed on the test site, with five people next to it. They are the operating team of the mortar.

"A mortar requires at least three people to transport. After disassembling its main components, three soldiers can carry it on their backs. Operating it also requires at least three people, but two additional loaders can be added to load shells into the barrel more quickly. In short bursts, this 81mm mortar can fire at a rate of 25 rounds per minute, meaning it can fire a shell in a little over two seconds."

Under the advisor's direction, the operators quickly dismantled the already-mounted mortar and strapped it to its harness. Within two minutes, the mortar was ready for use. The advisor gave another order, and several operators unloaded the mortar again. It didn't take long for the MLE-27 to stand upright again. An operator loaded a shell from the muzzle. With a "boom," the shell flew several hundred meters and exploded with a clang.

Nie Rongzhen: "Chen Tianheng spoke highly of the Stokes mortars currently in the hands of the revolutionary army, and said that the Stokes mortar could be improved and its performance enhanced in several aspects. From this gun from the Brandt Company, I can see that the improvement direction Chen Tianheng mentioned is basically the transition from the Stokes to the Brandt MLE 27."

Chen Youren: "Now it depends on whether we buy a batch of artillery pieces and return to survey and replicate them, or pay the French for patent fees. Taking them back to survey and replicate them is not impossible, but it may affect our future relations with France.

Nie Rongzhen: "Paying for patent fees can provide more detailed drawings and technical data, so you won't make mistakes when copying and can quickly produce the finished product. If you copy privately, you may not be fully aware of the materials and specifications of some parts, so you may have to rework them, wasting time.

Chen Youren: "I guess we should ask for a quote tomorrow and see what they offer. We're not well-off right now."

Chen Youren and his four-member industrial advisory team did not return to Paris that night, but stayed overnight at the hotel (a converted villa) at the provincial shooting range of the Brandt Arms Company. After checking in, at around 9:00 p.m., Nie Rongzhen suddenly became alert.

Chen Youren: "What's wrong?"

“There’s a demonic aura.

After saying this, Nie Rongzhen rushed out of the guest room and came to the corridor.

In the corridor, he saw a group of visitors who also looked Chinese, led by Zhang Qun, director of the Nanjing government's Ordnance Department.

And there is He Zhonghan.

Zhang Qun: “Uh.”

Nie Rongzhen: "You..."

"Everyone, I don't know what grudges you have... Regardless, if you both want to buy patent licenses, you have to buy them twice. That's the rule.

The reception guide from Brandt Company said this expressionlessly.

Chapter 12: Travels in Europe

Zhang Qun and He Zhonghan did not stay in the hotel of Brandt Company. They called for two cars and left the shooting range town overnight.

"The French are so dishonest!"

Zhang Qun said angrily, "If he were like the British, who openly stated they wanted to establish trade, finance, and investment relations with Guangdong, that would be fine. But France, like the United States, only recognized the government of the Republic of China, which was the Nanjing government! Now, while they claim to recognize us as the only government, they've even invited the Communist Party's puppet foreign minister!"

He Zhonghan: "Director, this is a very natural thing. The concession in Guangzhou is jointly owned by Britain and France. There are rumors that the reason why Britain is flirting with the Communist Party is that their concession is in Guangzhou, under the Communist Party's artillery. This means that the vast area and the British and French people living there are being held hostage, making it impossible for Britain and France to completely sever ties with the Communist Party.

Zhang Qun: "National reunification is incredibly difficult! These European countries are eager to see China split into two, three, or even four parts! Only the United States is honest. However, Zhonghan, before your trip, you insisted on focusing on the Brandt Company's mortars in France. And then, as expected, we encountered a Communist Party delegation at the Brandt Company. It seems you have a pretty good grasp of military matters."

He Zhonghan: “I was originally a graduate of the first batch of Whampoa Military Academy, and studying intelligence diplomacy was a later arrangement.

"Yes, yes, Huangpu is truly a place where twisted dragons and crouching dragons coerce. The principal, out of caution, didn't let you lead the troops. He was truly helpless.

Zhang Qun trusts He Zhonghan very much.

Because Chiang Kai-shek actually at least partially trusted He Zhonghan, he arranged a position for him within the Nanjing government system, but not a military position.

He Zhonghan is now trying to think about how to make a difference in the diplomatic system.

Chen Tianheng and He Zhonghan had discussed this before going abroad to learn espionage techniques. After consultation, the two concluded that He Zhonghan should still infiltrate the enemy.

Carrying Chiang Kai-shek back from the battlefield, the buff effect was too strong: Chiang Kai-shek had no choice but to accept this buff.