Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Wei Hongjun did not speak directly. He mainly looked at the attitudes of General Peng and Tan Zheng.

Although General He also presided over the work of the Military Commission, he knew his own business. General He's Second Red Army Corps was a relatively low-ranking faction within the Red Army, and most of the original Party members and cadres had been purged during the purge. Therefore, the number of cadres from the Second Red Army Corps was limited. General He was very open about his work and knew he couldn't get involved in factional disputes. If he did, his own Second Red Army cadres would become cannon fodder.

So it still depends on the attitude of General Peng and Tan Zheng.

General Peng asked about Wang Zhi's attitude, and after seeing that Wang Zhi supported Shi Jinqian, he nodded. Although Wang Zhi later stayed in Jin-Cha-Ji, and many people regarded him as a Jin-Cha-Ji cadre, General Peng and Wang Zhi had always had a good relationship. General Peng trusted Wang Zhi, and Wang Zhi also respected General Peng very much. So this time when Wang Zhi was appointed Director of the General Political Department, General Peng was also very supportive.

Mr. Peng nodded, and Tan Zheng did not object.

At the Military Commission meeting, the Military Commission appointed Shi Jinqian as Minister of Security.

Next up was the Liaison Department of the General Political Department, a branch of the Military Commission's intelligence services. While the General Staff's Intelligence Department primarily gathered military intelligence on the enemy, the Liaison Department of the General Political Department conducted political work for the enemy. Previously, dismantling warlord-affiliated forces and instigating uprisings was the work of the Liaison Department, a branch of the original social affairs department.

However, after liberation, the work of the Liaison Department of the General Political Department underwent some changes. It was mainly responsible for contacting local party committees and governments, coordinating military-local relations, and handling related affairs between the army and local governments.

No one was fighting for this position.

Because the intelligence department has its own set of organizational relationships. Counting up is the Premier, then Kang Sheng, Li Kenong, and then Dong Biwu's side.

The Liaison Department of the General Political Department is a branch of the former Social Department. Therefore, the Liaison Department has been headed by the former Deputy Minister of the Social Department in recent years.

Zou Dapeng, who assisted Li Kenong, was appointed Director of the Liaison Department. Although this was a cadre reshuffle within the Military Commission, Zou Dapeng would not be reshuffled without reason. Therefore, Zou Dapeng remained Director of the Liaison Department.

No one fought over the position of Minister of the Department of Mass Work.

Because this work has always been in charge of Xiao Hua. Although Xiao Hua is young, he has a lot of experience and his rank has always been very high.

The Department of Science and Technology for National Defense is the political management department of the General Political Department for the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense. We should also listen to the opinions of Yang Quanwu and Zhao Lu.

Yang Quanwu recommended Cai Xin, the political commissar of the former nuclear test base.

Yang Quanwu truly had no ulterior motives in recommending him. Although Cai Xin had served under Yang Quanwu for over twenty years, he wasn't the type of cadre to blindly follow his old boss' orders. This also held true for Yang Quanwu.

Cai Xin is a very stubborn cadre. As long as he believes that something is right, he will never give in easily. Yang Quanwu and Deng Guo are both Cai Xin's old leaders, but if Yang Quanwu and Deng Guo's orders are wrong, Cai Xin dares to directly fight back on the spot. On the issue of the nuclear industrial base,

Both Yang Quanwu and Cai Xin slammed the table.

Despite the frequent arguments between Yang Quanwu and Cai Xin over the past two decades, Yang Quanwu actually liked Cai Xin's character. Cai Xin wasn't blindly obedient and dared to argue with his superiors, but he was also truly exceptional at political work. Just like the nuclear test base, with its vast numbers of personnel—soldiers, workers, researchers, and everyone else—Cai Xin was able to bring them together.

That is why Yang Quanwu, the director of the Department of National Defense Science of the General Political Department, recommended Cai Xin this time.

It should be said that with the current composition of the Military Commission, the appointment of cadres like Cai Xin, who came from the Jin-Cha-Ji region, would be relatively easy to approve, unless General Peng and Tan Zheng objected. Of course, Wei Hongjun would not allow the Jin-Cha-Ji and North China systems to monopolize all the benefits, as this would be detrimental to the unity of the Military Commission.

After all, the opinions of Vice Chairmen of the Military Commission, including General Peng, General He, and Tan Zheng, had to be respected. Therefore, the next choices were: Zhang Xiuchuan, a member of the Fourth Field Army, to serve as Director of the General Political Department's Direct Work Department; Liang Bi, Deputy Director of the General Political Department, to serve as Chief Prosecutor of the Military Procuratorate; and Major General Yan Jinsheng, a member of the Second Red Army Corps, to serve as President of the Military Court.

The Secretary-General of the General Political Department chose Zhu Ming, who was acceptable to all parties and had a good reputation in the central government.

The two most famous times in Zhu Ming's history are

In the "Xinfeng Incident" after the "Futian Incident",

I firmly opposed the attempt to oppose the Chairman at that time. Another reason was that after the Central Red Army and the Fourth Front Army broke up,

He firmly supported the Central Committee and opposed Zhang Guotao. Consequently, he was dismissed from his post as director of the Political Department of the 9th Red Army Corps. Later, he was transferred to the 6th Red Army Corps and became a cadre of the 2nd Red Army Front. A truly politically competent cadre.

After resolving the cadre arrangements of the General Political Department, the Military Commission continued to adjust. The General Armament Department and the General Finance Department were removed.

Merge with the General Logistics Department to form a new General Logistics Department.

Hong Xuezhi served as the Minister of General Logistics Department, Chen Zaidao served as the first deputy minister, Feng Yongshun, who served as the commander of the general logistics of Indochina Peninsula in the southwest, served as the second deputy minister, Qiu Huizuo served as the third deputy minister, Zhou Yucheng served as the fourth deputy minister, Tang Ping served as the fifth deputy minister, and Han Zhenji served as the sixth deputy minister.

The General Logistics Department is the most chaotic.

After liberation, the army had too many generals. Many local military regions could no longer accommodate so many deputy commanders and deputy political commissars, so a large number of veteran cadres and generals had no choice but to be transferred to the central government.

However, it was not easy to place officials within the various CMC departments. Therefore, the CMC decided to dump a large number of veteran cadres and generals into the Logistics Department. The CMC believed that accommodating more personnel in the Logistics Department was not a problem. Even if there were more people than needed, it wouldn't have a significant impact.

Therefore, at its peak, the Logistics Department had nine deputy directors alone. This time, after the merger with the General Armament Department, there are even more cadres.

Fortunately, after the Tenth National Congress, many deputy ministers were over sixty years old. Some of these deputy ministers had extensive experience, but their ranks were not very high, only holding the rank of major general or deputy major general. Initially, they were simply assigned to the position of deputy minister of logistics for reassurance. The Military Commission reported to the Central Committee and allowed these deputy ministers to retire. Some cadres, due to poor health, chose to leave their posts for rest and recuperation.

Just like the former Deputy Minister of Logistics, Peng Jiaqing,

Because of health reasons, I can only choose to leave the job for recuperation. But even so, after the establishment of the General Logistics Department,

There are still six deputy ministers. At this Military Commission meeting, General Peng proposed that the General Logistics Department establish a department responsible for the commercial assets of the entire army.

After investigation, General Peng found that although the central government had repeatedly instructed local military regions and troops not to engage in business, this problem persisted despite repeated prohibitions. The real reason was that the military had too many assets.

So, unknowingly, military assets will flow into the commercial sector. Another problem is that the military needs to find jobs for the families of soldiers.

In most military units today, battalion commanders are allowed to accompany their families. In some specialized regions, even company commanders are allowed to have their families accompany them. However, with so many families joining the military, the military can't completely ignore them and let them spend their days dealing with family matters. Therefore, many local military commands and field armies are choosing to establish industries to provide employment for these families.

However, after investigating, General Peng still believed that there were too many problems. He proposed that the General Logistics Department establish a special department to separate these commercial military assets and unify their management.

Finally, the Central Military Commission decided to establish an Asset Management Department within the General Logistics Department, with Tang Ping, Deputy Director of the General Logistics Department, as Director of the Asset Management Department.

In this way, the CMC became a three-headquarters model consisting of the General Staff, the General Logistics Department, and the General Political Department.

1136 Daily Work

After the 10th National Congress, Wei Hongjun convened a series of Politburo meetings, CMC meetings, and Secretariat meetings. Besides those personnel changes that would have required Politburo meetings, which would have left members swearing, there were also numerous cadre changes involving provincial governors, deputy provincial party secretaries, and many other Party committee departments, all of which required Wei Hongjun's signature.

There are even more debates about cadre adjustments at the vice-provincial level. This is because there are too many factions involved, each central leader has his or her own ideas, and adjustments to local cadres must also take into account local interests.

The Organization Department submits a list of three to five candidates for each position, which is then reviewed by the Secretariat. If the Secretariat deems some candidates unsuitable, they are rejected at a Secretariat meeting. Finally, the Politburo selects one candidate from among these candidates.

So, the Organization Department is said to have great power, and it does have considerable power. The initial list of cadres is drafted by the Organization Department. However, if you say the Organization Department has great power, it's not as great as you might imagine. The final decision on the nominations comes at a meeting of the Politburo or the Secretariat.

To make the personnel arrangements, Wei Hongjun specifically sought out Chen Tanqiu and Luo Qirong. One of them was in charge of the daily work of the Secretariat, and the other was the head of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee. They were the two most important people in this major cadre reshuffle.

"Comrade Chen Tanqiu, Comrade Luo Qirong, I called you here today because there are problems with the list of candidate cadres you drew up earlier."

"what is the problem?"

Luo Qirong hadn't expected Wei Hongjun to directly point out that there were problems with the cadre candidate list drawn up by the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee. This was something Luo Qirong hadn't expected. Since Luo Qirong became the head of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee, this was the first time he had drawn up such a large number of cadre candidate lists. Therefore, Luo Qirong was extremely cautious.

He considered every candidate for each position carefully to see if they were really suitable for the position.

It is Luo Qirong's hard work in the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee.

Wei Hongjun was not polite and said to Luo Qirong directly: "There are too many cadres from the Central Soviet Area and the Central Red Army, and too many cadres from Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei and North China.

We need to strike a balance and increase the proportion of cadres from the Fourth Front Army and other places."

Originally, Wei Hongjun had not thought of emphasizing this specifically.

But this time, the list of candidate cadres drawn up by Luo Qirong was too obvious. The list of candidate governors in several provinces was basically made up of cadres from the Central Red Army and North China. Including some cadres from the Northeast and the Fourth Field Army, many of them were from the Central Soviet Area,

The Central Red Army or came from the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei region.

This is just a list of candidates, and you're making it so obvious. Wei Hongjun would see it immediately, and the other central leaders would be quick to judge. Even if you mixed in some cadres from other factions, Wei Hongjun wouldn't specifically tell them this. You can't be so biased even on the candidate list.

Candidates must be drawn from all corners of the country, and the ultimate winner will be determined by compromise among all parties involved and by who possesses the greatest capabilities. However, just because Luo Qirong is the head of the Organization Department, we cannot exclude other factional cadres from the candidate list.

Chen Tanqiu nodded.

Chen Tanqiu also discovered this problem. Most of the list drawn up by the Organization Department this time were cadres from the Central Soviet Area or those who later came from North China.

But it’s hard to say about Chen Tanqiu.

Only Wei Hongjun could say this directly. Luo Qirong frowned and said, "I am not engaging in factionalism. I really put the most suitable cadres on the candidate list.

It wasn’t intentional.”

Luo Qirong doesn't have the final say in the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee alone.

People like Song Renqiong and An Ziwen were both heavyweights, having competed with Luo Qirong for the position of Minister of the Organization Department. This time, the list of candidates was discussed by everyone.

This time, the Organization Department of the Central Committee primarily recruited local cadres. Among these local cadres, those with sufficient qualifications, rank, and strong capabilities primarily came from the Central Soviet Area and the Party in the north. The Central Soviet Area was designated the Central Soviet Area not only because the Party Central Committee was located there, but also because the elite Red Army personnel in all areas were concentrated there. The Central Soviet Area's military political education and base area construction were among the best in the Red Army and other Soviet areas nationwide at the time. Consequently, the Central Soviet Area produced the largest number of highly skilled military and political cadres.

There was also the northern party organization restored by Comrade Xiuyang, and many of its members later became cadres of the North China Bureau.

Therefore, when selecting candidates this time, cadres from the Central Soviet Area and North China were naturally the main force.

"But the list of candidates still needs to be diverse."

Even if you're just going through the motions, you still need to maintain some balance in the candidate list. Luo Qirong himself was originally from the Jin-Cha-Ji region, and later served as the acting political commissar of the Fifth Field Army. Although Luo Qirong wasn't considered a legitimate figure in the Jin-Cha-Ji region, to outsiders, he was considered a Jin-Cha-Ji leader.

Wei Hongjun's position is now relatively stable. As long as no serious political incidents occur in the next five years, Wei Hongjun's position will be set in stone.

Compared with the Ninth National Congress, there were four changes in the Politburo members.

Luo Qirong, Zhou Bin, Yang Quanwu, and Tan Zheng—all of them hailed from the Jin-Cha-Ji region. While Luo Qirong and Zhou Bin each had their own unique backgrounds and weren't considered complete Jin-Cha-Ji factions, they had both been involved in the Jin-Cha-Ji revolution for many years, so this connection was unbreakable.

This change in the Politburo is the most obvious signal. That is, the Chairman is intentionally increasing the support for Wei Hongjun in the Politburo so that Wei Hongjun's position in the party will become more and more stable.

But this doesn't mean Luo Qirong's position as Organization Department Minister is particularly secure. While Luo Qirong was promoted to the central leadership position due to his outstanding achievements in Guangdong, he has a stubborn personality and easily offends others. If the list of candidates for the Organization Department is made too public, it will be very vulnerable to attacks from all sides.

Again, the People's Republic of China has only been established for fourteen years. The factions forged with blood and sweat during the revolutionary war years won't vanish easily, and the various factions and cliques within the Party remain intense. If they escalate to the point of widespread rebellion, Luo Qirong's position will be in jeopardy.

Wei Hongjun generally trusts Luo Qirong.

He was also willing to let Luo Qirong take charge of the work of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee. Therefore, he did not want Luo Qirong to be isolated in this position.

We must avoid the historical phenomenon of "criticizing Bo and attacking Liu".

"Okay. I'll discuss this list with other comrades after I get back."

Luo Qirong took back the list of candidates sent to Wei Hongjun.

Wei Hongjun nodded.

After thinking for a while, he said: "It is best for the Organization Department of the Central Committee not to take on too much responsibility when drafting this kind of list, as it will easily lead to criticism. The best way is to let the localities submit a few lists of candidates, and then the Organization Department of the Central Committee will draft a few names. Comrade Luo Qirong,

The work of the Organization Department is not military work, and we cannot force it. We must listen to opinions from all sides."

Luo Qirong is good at everything.

He simply wasn't gentle enough. He had this problem even when he was in the military. Later, he served as a top official in Guangdong. While he did a good job, his temper was brought to the central government. As deputy secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, he spent his days dealing with violations of discipline and law.

After arriving at the Organization Department, he still hadn't fully grasped this change. While the Organization Department appears to have considerable power, it's actually subject to significant constraints. Both the central and local governments need the Organization Department to manage cadres, yet they don't want it to have too much power. However, the list of candidate cadres he drafted this time shows that Luo Qirong hasn't grasped this principle.

"Ah."

Luo Qirong nodded reluctantly.

"Comrade Chen Tanqiu, you should communicate more with Comrade Luo Qirong to ensure this personnel adjustment is successfully completed. Don't let any problems arise during the Politburo meeting."

After Wei Hongjun became the Party's successor, he was bound to have the biggest share. This was evident from the changes in the Politburo and the Central Military Commission. However, Wei Hongjun couldn't have it all; he still had to share some of the meat and soup with others.

"Alright." After seeing off Chen Tanqiu and Luo Qirong, Wei Hongjun stretched himself. Personnel matters were the most complex, and especially complex and sensitive for Wei Hongjun right now. He had to use this personnel adjustment as an opportunity to further consolidate his foundation and prepare for the 11th National Congress. He also had to balance everyone's interests and avoid being attacked by a large group.

Wei Hongjun also found it very difficult to strike the balance here.

"General Secretary, this is the report from Marshal Xu and the Academy of Military Sciences."

After Chen Tanqiu and Luo Qirong left, Wei Hongjun's military secretary Xu Xin brought him a report from the army. Xu Xin had just been appointed as Wei Hongjun's military secretary during this adjustment.