Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Although the Tibetan rebels were indeed a motley crowd, the meticulous arrangements made by the Tibetan Military Region were also the key to a quick victory in this battle.

Speaking of the Tibet Military Region's meticulous planning, everyone was once again impressed by Wei Hongjun's ability to judge the situation. He truly achieved the ability to plan and win battles from afar.

Marshal Nie sighed the most, after all, he had truly witnessed Wei Hongjun's growth. During the later period of Jin-Cha-Ji's rapid development, Wei Hongjun's assessment of Japanese military strategy was also incredibly accurate. It was precisely because of this accurate assessment that Jin-Cha-Ji was able to formulate the correct strategies and tactics during its mid-to-late stages. This allowed Jin-Cha-Ji to achieve its current success.

After everyone finished sighing, they began to get down to business.

"This battle completely annihilated the reactionary Tibetan aristocracy that opposed our new policies. Next, Tibet should undergo large-scale reforms to allow Tibet to implement the socialist system."

Deng Zhihui spoke very happily.

Peaceful liberation has both advantages and disadvantages. The advantage is that it can be liberated quickly without the need for fighting, which can reduce damage to the local area and reduce casualties.

The downside, however, was that the existing interest structure was not broken, and many scumbags of the old society continued to be active in the new government. Furthermore, many compromises had to be made for peaceful liberation.

Just like when Tibet was peacefully liberated, the central government made a guarantee to the Tibetan side. That is, within six years of liberation, the original structure of Tibet would not be changed, and after six years, it would be rebuilt.

Start negotiations.

However, around 1955, due to strong opposition in Tibet, socialist democratic reforms could not be promoted.

Why were these reactionary nobles in Tibet determined to rebel? It was because Wei Hongjun, after taking over the Secretariat, was no longer so easy to talk to. Although he did not directly promote socialist democratic reforms in Tibet, he was prepared to establish a government in Tibet and convene a People's Congress there.

According to the proposal of the Secretariat and the plan approved by the Political Bureau, Tibet would hold its first National People's Congress after the Third National People's Congress in 1962, and at the same time establish the Tibet Autonomous Region Government.

Once Tibet holds a People's Congress and establishes a new government, everything in Tibet will be completely changed. The privileges of the old nobles will be abolished, so these

The reactionary aristocrats couldn't wait any longer.

Because the Tibetan issue was so complex, socialist reform in Tibet progressed slowly, and even the Tibetan serfs were not fully liberated. Now, with the reactionary aristocracy swept away, the situation is perfect for implementing socialist reform in Tibet.

"Comrade Deng Zhihui is right. Although the Tibetan rebellion brought chaos to Tibet, it also swept away all reactionary forces in Tibet. This is a very good thing for the future development of Tibet."

The Prime Minister also agreed with Deng Zhihui's statement.

The Prime Minister continued, "But unrest has occurred after all, and people in Tibet are certainly in a state of panic. The central government should quickly stabilize the Tibetan people and the situation."

With so many people joining the rebellion, what happens next is the most important.

That is how to calm the hearts of the Tibetans.

"Yes, it is very important to stabilize the people's hearts. Our most important task at this stage should be to severely crack down on those reactionary forces and at the same time unite those Tibetan cadres who support socialist reforms. Only in this way can we quickly stabilize the hearts of the Tibetan people.

Peng Zhen spoke.

There were reactionary nobles in Tibet who were inclined towards independence, but there were also many enlightened nobles who supported national unity. Zheng Weishan was well prepared to suppress the rebellion this time, and those reactionary nobles who instigated the rebellion were basically wiped out by the Tibetan Military Region.

Arresting so many people at once would inevitably cause panic. To stabilize Tibet, it was necessary to unite the enlightened Tibetan nobles to a greater extent and have them support the suppression of the rebellion. This was the quickest way to stabilize the situation in Tibet.

"Comrade Peng Zhen's idea is only a temporary solution. Regarding the policy for ethnic minority areas, uniting the upper class and enlightened people is the key.

It is only a supplement and cannot become the mainstream. Our revolution can only truly rely on the broad masses of the people.

"To stabilize the hearts and minds of Tibetans, we must carry out thorough land reform. We must completely liberate our fellow Tibetans, who were born as serfs and make up 95% of the population, give them access to land and livestock, and grant them political and economic rights. By doing this, we will quickly gain the support of the vast majority of Tibetan people. As long as these Tibetan people support our work, Tibet will remain a haven of unrest."

Luo Qirong spoke.

Luo Qirong was personally responsible for the bandit suppression and land reform work in Guangdong.

For places like Tibet where serfs are the absolute majority, Luo Qirong believed that thorough land reform was necessary. He wanted to make those serfs who were not treated as human beings feel what socialist Tibet was like.

How to treat the people.

If these former slaves are liberated and experience socialist Tibet firsthand, they will become the biggest supporters of socialist New China.

As for the so-called enlightened people in the upper echelons of Tibet, we can only say that many of them understand the current situation. It is simply impossible to rely on them to develop socialism in Tibet.

"Comrade Luo Qirong is right."

Marshal Nie said, "Land reform, liberating all serfs, is the most fundamental way to stabilize Tibet."

Among the current Politburo members, more than half are cadres who were once responsible for land reform, and many of them were even personally responsible for land reform work.

Comrade Xiuyang, Chen Yun, Wei Hongjun, Deng Xixian, Deng Zhihui, Deng He, Luo Qirong, Tan Zhenlin, and Li Xiannian all participated in the land reform.

Everyone is very clear about the role of.

So everyone quickly decided on the most important reforms in Tibet: to completely liberate millions of serfs politically and economically and to implement land reform in Tibet.

In order to stabilize the situation in Tibet, the Politburo decided to formally establish the Tibet Autonomous Region and abolish the original Tibet Working Committee in favor of the Tibet Autonomous Region Party Committee.

Zhang Jingwu, former secretary of the Tibet Work Committee, was appointed as the first secretary of the Tibet Autonomous Region Party Committee, and Fan Ming, former deputy secretary of the Tibet Work Committee, was appointed as deputy secretary of the Party Committee.

As for the cadres of the Tibet Military Region who originally held positions in the Tibet Work Committee, they will no longer continue to hold government positions.

At the same time, some cadres were transferred from the mainland to supplement the Tibet Autonomous Region Party Committee.

Sun Zuobin, Deputy Secretary of the Gansu Provincial Party Committee, was transferred to Inner Mongolia

Liu Hao, deputy secretary of the provincial party committee, serves as deputy secretary of the Tibet Autonomous Region Party Committee.

Among them, Sun Zuobin was responsible for party affairs, Liu Hao was in charge of the socialist transformation of industry and agriculture in Tibet, that is, he was responsible for land reform in Tibet, and Fan Ming was responsible for united front work in Tibet.

Zhang Jingwu, though only a lieutenant general, possessed considerable experience. He served as a division-level cadre in the early days of the Central Soviet Area. During the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, he commanded the Shandong Column and served as deputy commander of the remaining corps. After the peaceful liberation of Tibet, he remained in charge of local affairs there.

Fan Ming was a founding major general. During the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, he basically did united front work in Zhao Shoushan's army. Later, he was also responsible for united front work in the Northwest Bureau.

Sun Zuobin was born into a family of cadres in northern Shaanxi and had been in the northwest since liberation. Liu Hao was a young cadre in 1920. When he was 17 years old and a middle school student in Sheng County, he happened to attend the first session of the Wei Hongjun Rural Training Institute.

He has been working in rural areas since then, and later participated in land reform in Inner Mongolia and Suiyuan with Lai Dahe and others. He currently serves as the Deputy Secretary of the Inner Mongolia Provincial Party Committee, also primarily responsible for agriculture and animal husbandry.

After the establishment of the Tibet Autonomous Region Party Committee, Tibet was no longer under military rule. Instead, the Tibet Autonomous Region Party Committee began to take full responsibility for local affairs in Tibet.

As for the Tibet Autonomous Region Government, a formal decision will have to be made at the first Tibet People's Congress after the Central Government convenes its Tenth National Congress.

However, the central government has its own plans for the first Tibet Autonomous Region government. Zhang Jingwu will serve as both Party Secretary and Chairman of the Tibet Autonomous Region government. Liu Hao will serve as Vice Chairman of the new Tibet Autonomous Region government.

Ngawang Jinmei would serve as the chairman of the first Tibetan People's Congress and also as the chairman of the Tibetan government, which was formally established in 1962.

Chairman of the Association.

Just as the Politburo was determining the next major tasks in Tibet and completing personnel adjustments in Tibet, Yang Shangkun, director of the General Office of the Central Committee, handed Wei Hongjun a document that had just been transmitted to the General Office of the Central Committee.

Wei Hongjun presided over the meeting, so he took a look at it first and then gave it to the chairman.

After reading it, the Chairman passed it along to the other Politburo members. Soon, everyone finished reading the telegram from the Chinese Embassy in India. Many people looked at each other in bewilderment, and soon everyone's eyes turned to Wei Hongjun.

Because this telegram from New Delhi reports what just happened in India.

India assembled 400 troops and attacked the Portuguese-controlled region of Goa. In less than two days, the Indian army completely captured Goa, captured thousands of Portuguese troops, and ended Portugal's colonial rule over Goa for more than years.

The Indian army mobilized its navy, army, and air force in this battle, but the fighting was so swift that casualties on both sides resembled a military exercise. There was virtually no fighting, and the Portuguese army, upon seeing the Indian army actually attack, immediately surrendered.

As soon as India captured Goa, it began to publicize it nationwide, especially the whole of New Delhi was immersed in joy.

The Indian media was in an unprecedented frenzy, saying that the victory in the Goa War was the proudest moment for the Indians and highly praising the "vigorous fighting spirit" shown by the Indian army in retaking Goa.

Nehru even stated directly: "For the first time, our armed forces have become a very powerful and very effective fighting force. I say this knowing full well that the Indian Army and other branches of the military are more powerful than at any time since independence and are more than capable of coping with a joint attack by Pakistan and China."

It can be said that India's easy victory over the Portuguese army has made people in India very proud. In the eyes of Indians, Portugal is also a traditional colonial power. Now India can defeat the Portuguese army so easily, which shows that the Indian army is very powerful.

The Goa War inflated the confidence of India from top to bottom. Nehru held a grand celebration in New Delhi.

No one in India tells people that Portugal has been in decline for hundreds of years and that its current military strength is nothing. The propaganda in India is all about the Indian army defeating the Portuguese colonizers.

What Wei Hongjun predicted more than a month ago came true so quickly, allowing many Politburo leaders to once again appreciate Wei Hongjun's strategic judgment ability.

“Comrades, the reasons behind this war are worth our consideration. In 1955, India was seriously injured in Goa.

After the defeat, public opinion nationwide was calling for India to send troops to retake Goa, but Nehru would rather be criticized than send troops. But this time India took Goa so decisively. This is related to the changes in the international situation, mainly the changes in the attitude of the United States. 14

The Goa War proved Wei Hongjun's judgment, so everyone became more convinced of the Sino-Indian War proposed by Wei Hongjun.

General Chen explained, "Nehru chose to exercise restraint in 1955 because he did not want a direct military conflict with Portugal, a NATO member. Since independence, India has maintained close relations with the Soviet Union and the socialist camp. Furthermore, India was a leading member of the Non-Aligned Movement, so Nehru feared a war with Portugal would lead to a NATO attack."

"But now Nehru gave up diplomatic maneuvers and took Goa so decisively. It was obvious that he did not have to worry about a military conflict with Portugal or a conflict with NATO.

Currently, only American imperialism can provide India and Nehru with such a guarantee.

General Chen has also been engaged in diplomatic work for many years.

As soon as Wei Hongjun explained this, he understood the reason. Nehru had previously been concerned about Portugal being a NATO member and that subsequent issues would be difficult to resolve after taking Goa.

But this time they resorted to direct military action, clearly without such concerns. That could only be a guarantee from the United States to India.

The others nodded. This question was easy to figure out.

"The US's sudden wooing and support for India is definitely intended to contain my country. China and India have long been in dispute over the border issue, and the US's support for India will definitely make a fuss about the border issue."

Everyone now fully believes that a war will definitely break out between China and India.

Deng Xixian said: "The Vietnam War is currently becoming increasingly intense. Although the Vietnamese People's Army suffered heavy casualties in the first phase, which affected their offensive capabilities, the Vietnamese People's Army still occupied most of the rural areas of South Vietnam, and North Vietnam is still continuously training new troops to move south. In Cambodia, the Vietnamese People's Army and Cambodian troops frequently attacked US troops."59

"The US has suffered increasing casualties on the battlefields of Vietnam and Cambodia, and has yet to find a good solution in Indochina. If a military conflict breaks out between China and India at this time, my country will be pinned down by India and unable to support Indochina. Although I don't know what the US promises to India, with the US's support, India will definitely stir up trouble on the border next."

"We must prepare for war as soon as possible."

What Wei Hongjun said before was just a prediction, so it was just troop mobilization and simple material reserves.

But now it's different. Most members of the Politburo are convinced that a war between China and India is really going to happen. Everyone is still very cautious.

After all, India is now the leader of the Non-Aligned Movement, and its influence among Third World countries exceeds that of China. Furthermore, India has a population of 400 million and a million-strong army. It is a truly great power.

How can we not be nervous when going to war with a country like this?

So the Politburo immediately discussed what to do. The final conclusion was to increase material reserves, mobilize Sichuan and Qinghai, and use all possible means to increase the transportation of supplies to Tibet.

At the same time, Tibet needs to mobilize more people as soon as possible to build simple roads in Tibet.

front.

The Politburo held several consecutive meetings to discuss what military and political objectives should be achieved in the event of a war between China and India, as well as how to respond diplomatically.

At this time, Nehru, who was full of confidence and supported by the United States, officially notified China, demanding that China abide by the "McMahon Line" and formally recognize that the sovereignty of more than 100,000 square kilometers of the Sino-Indian disputed area belongs to India.

China, of course, flatly rejected India's request. China told India that the "McMahon Line" created by Britain had long since been abolished through negotiations between China and Britain. Therefore, the so-called sovereignty over the disputed areas between China and India is completely fictitious. There is no dispute over sovereignty here.

After being pushed back by the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Nehru met with the Chinese Ambassador to India Pan Zili in New Delhi and criticized China.

Pan Zili criticized Nehru for violating the original principle of peaceful coexistence and for engaging in imperialism, saying he would be scorned by peace-loving nations around the world. The talks ended on an acrimonious note.

India began to mobilize troops into the disputed area between China and India. The Chinese troops were very restrained and would withdraw after a brief conflict between the two sides.

Nehru was very pleased with the Chinese army's restraint and retreat. He formulated an ambitious "Forward Plan" that required the Indian army to establish military bases in important locations in the disputed areas between China and India.

To implement his plan, Nehru capitalized on his rapidly rising prestige following the Goa victory. He removed all generals within the Ministry of Defense who opposed the war and promoted those who supported his plan. Nehru directly led the Ministry of Defense and formulated military plans.

Lal Bahadur Shastra, India's Minister of Home Affairs