Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Wei Hongjun accurately predicted the Korean War, the chaos in Eastern Europe after Stalin's death, the chaos in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe after the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and the direction of the Suez Canal War. Every step of his prediction was extremely accurate. Each correct prediction brought a dividend to China.

Because after each successful prediction, China has been fully prepared early on, and can quickly seize fleeting opportunities in the midst of change.

When Wei Hongjun predicted the international situation in his early years, there were also many dissenting voices within the Party, but in the end, Wei Hongjun was proven correct. So this time, although some people disagreed, they did not speak out directly.

“So I think that for these solutions to the world’s problems

We do not need to attend the conference as a mere decoration, but should boldly reject it. Tell Britain, France, the United States and the Soviet Union that my country is not a member of the United Nations and has neither the obligation nor the power to resolve these issues.

"We need to think outside the box and move forward at our own pace. It's the United Nations and countries like the UK, the US, and France that are anxious. Because my country is not in the UN, we don't have to abide by the rules and regulations set by the UN. If the US wants us to abide by UN decisions, then let us join the UN."

Joining the UN certainly has its advantages, as it shows that China is integrating into the world. But not joining the UN also has its advantages.

That is, my country is not bound by the strict rules and regulations set by the United Nations. China, an influential country, is isolated from the United Nations. If China makes a big enough noise, it will be the United States and the United Nations that will suffer.

Because the United States has absolutely no ability to restrain such a China.

"I agree with Comrade Wei Hongjun's opinion. We should advance our work in Taiwan and the Indochina Peninsula at our own pace. These are where American interests lie. When the US is truly unable to resolve a problem, they will come to us on their own."

Deng Xixian supported Wei Hongjun's idea.

Negotiations should not be rushed; rushing is not a good deal. Deng Xixian was primarily responsible for the Sino-Soviet negotiations in recent years, so he had a deep understanding of negotiations between countries.

"Yes, that's how it should be."

General Peng felt that Wei Hongjun's thoughts spoke to his heart.

General Peng has led troops in battle for so many years, but he is the most

The punishment is surrender to the enemy.

What about the United States?

Joining the United Nations was important, but Peng Dehuai believed that no matter how important it was, China could not beg others for favors. Instead, it should strike hard at the weak spots of the United States, so that the initiative in the Sino-US negotiations would be in China's hands.

"I also think that if we go to the Five-Nation Conference, it will just be a decoration. It's just good in name only, but it's actually useless. It would be better to just refuse to participate, as we told Comrade Wei Hongjun. This will only make countries like Britain, the United States, and France more eager for our country to participate."

Luo Qirong had this idea from the beginning. The Five-Nation Conference only sounded good, but it was of no use to China.

Just like "what you can't get, you love more". If China goes to the five-nation meeting but does not have much autonomy at the meeting, it will be seen as

light.

If China refuses to attend the meeting, then if there is no result, the British and American legal community will think that no agreement can be reached because China is not present. They will be even more eager for China to attend the meeting.

The more China refuses, the more people will feel that problems cannot be solved without China. This will make people even more eager for China to participate in world affairs and even more eager for China to join the United Nations.

Many Politburo members had come from the war years, so they were more supportive of Wei Hongjun's ideas. They felt uncomfortable begging the United States for admission to the United Nations. Instead, Wei Hongjun suggested hitting the United States where it hurts, forcing it to beg China for help, which would satisfy everyone.

In the past, Wei Hongjun was not in charge of diplomatic work, so he would not comment on diplomatic work. But now Wei Hongjun is in charge of central work, and he also needs to express himself in the diplomatic field.

Idea.

China is a developing nation, and its diplomacy cannot be confined to the confines of others' frameworks. It should bravely step outside others' lanes, carve out its own, and disrupt existing ones. Only in this way, to safeguard its own interests and prevent China from interfering and causing chaos, will the United States invite China into its fold.

Finally, the Politburo voted, with more people supporting Wei Hongjun's proposal. As a result, the Politburo decided to formally reject the invitation to the Five-Nation Conference.

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After the Politburo meeting, Wei Hongjun immediately convened a meeting of the Military Commission.

Three main things were discussed.

一个是1959年失败的“东风2号”,在1961年6月24日进行了第二次的发射试验，结果获得了成功。

The Missile Research Institute initially sought to develop a ground-to-surface medium-range missile with a range of 1600 kilometers, but later found the technology too challenging. The Dongfeng-, a medium-range missile independently designed and produced by China, was still a copy of a Soviet missile, but it still presented numerous challenges.

It’s not that we can’t continue to conquer, but it requires

Time. However, after the successful atomic bomb explosion, everyone was looking forward to the appearance of the "Dongfeng-2", which could serve as a transport aircraft for the atomic bomb. Without the combination of the two bombs, the deterrent effect of nuclear weapons would be seriously insufficient.

Because of the urgent need for the DF-1200 missile, the Missile Research Institute, after discussion, reduced the range to 1200 kilometers, believing that China could achieve this range on its own. However, the DF-1959 missile designed for kilometers failed in its launch.

After further research and review of the failure, the designed missile range was further reduced to between 900 and 1000 kilometers. This is the Dongfeng- missile launched this time.

After nearly two years of hard work, most of the technical difficulties have been solved.

The successful launch of the Dongfeng-2 missile

Later, on July 1961 and July 7, 3, two consecutive launch tests of the Dongfeng-7 missile were carried out, all of which were successful.

According to the plan, a total of seven DF-7 missiles will be launched in July and August. The main purpose is to continue to improve the missiles and gradually increase their range to 8 kilometers.

The "Dongfeng-1600" is a series of medium- and short-range missiles independently developed by my country, and its ultimate goal is to reach a range of kilometers.

In addition, the Missile Research Institute has begun planning medium- and long-range missiles, that is, missiles with a range of more than 3000 kilometers.

Of course, at the same time, the National Defense Science and Technology Commission has begun to organize personnel to conduct two-bomb combination tests. Although the range of the Dongfeng-1200 missile did not reach the expected 900 kilometers, kilometers is enough for two-bomb combination tests.

test.

With the rapid development of China's missile research and development, coupled with the combination of the two bombs and the atomic bomb, the importance of missiles has become increasingly greater.

Therefore, the first topic of this CMC meeting was to establish a dedicated strategic missile force. This strategic missile force will have short-range missiles, medium-range missiles, long-range missiles, and in the future, missiles with nuclear warheads.

This strategic missile force is distinct from the surface-to-air missile force and the coastal defense missile force. Both the surface-to-air missile force and the coastal defense missile force have been formally established and incorporated directly into the Air Force and Navy. Furthermore, they are subordinate to the military region to which they are assigned. Both the surface-to-air missile force and the coastal defense missile force are conventional weapons forces.

But the strategic missile force that is about to be established will be equipped with nuclear warheads in the future.

In order to counter the US nuclear blackmail, we must possess our own nuclear strike capability.

Therefore, the central government cannot assign such a high-kill unit to a specific military region, but must keep it in the hands of the Central Military Commission. Therefore, the discussion is about establishing a new branch of the military.

Everyone was giving their suggestions on what to name this new branch of the military.

The majority of those favored the name "Rocket Force." This was because Qian Xuesen, upon returning to China, had already referred to the missile force as the "Rocket Force" when he gave lectures to cadres at the Central Committee and the Military Commission. Early missile forces abroad were also known as the "Rocket Force."

Therefore, everyone is very familiar with the name "Rocket Force" and tends to prefer the name of the new military branch to be "China Strategic Rocket Force".

"This new branch of the military is very important and is a national treasure. I think the name should not be too loud or too specific. At present, my country's missile forces are weak.

Small, so confidentiality is the priority."

Tan Zheng spoke.

Tan Zheng, who replaced Luo Shuai as Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission, had a strong voice and was also concerned about confidentiality.

"I agree with Comrade Tan Zheng's statement that the new military branch is different from the navy and the air force. In terms of confidentiality, even our surface-to-air missile forces cannot compare with them.

Mr. He nodded in support.

Missiles are currently considered high-tech weapons for the military. Therefore, at present, China's surface-to-air missile units and coastal defense missile units are only known by code names. Even the sister units do not know the specific situation of these units, and the confidentiality level is very high.

The strategic missile force that the central government is now planning to establish has an even higher level of confidentiality, and it is to become an independent branch of the military, just like the navy and air force.

So in order to keep it confidential, it is not a good idea to choose a name that is too eye-catching.

"I think the name of the Second Artillery Corps is very good."

Wei Hongjun made suggestions.

What a plain and simple name, I wonder who came up with it. If it hadn't been declassified later, how would anyone have known that the "Second Artillery Force" was actually China's strategic missile force.

"I think it's a good name, too. You wouldn't associate it with a missile unit from the name."

From the perspective of confidentiality, everyone believes that "Second Artillery Force" is a more suitable designation for the strategic missile force than "Strategic Rocket Force".

After the name was determined, the next step was to establish the leadership body of the Second Artillery Force.

In fact, everyone has a pretty good idea of ​​who will be the commander of the Second Artillery Corps. Of the major military region commanders currently undergoing adjustments, most are generals or lieutenant generals, with one exception.

The current situation in the military is that the marshals and generals are all in the central government. Most of the marshals are members of the Political Bureau, or members of the Standing Committee of the Central Military Commission, and the generals who are still in the military are basically members of the Central Military Commission.

The military and political leadership of major local military regions is primarily led by generals. Wang Qiuyun, as a member of the Central Military Commission and Deputy Chief of the General Staff, also serves as commander of a major local military region, a unique position among generals. Therefore, adjustments are necessary this time.

But what will be done with Wang Qiuyun after the adjustment? Should he continue to serve as the commander of another military region, or should he be transferred to the central government? With the rank of General Wang Qiuyun, or the Central Military Commission?

It is no longer suitable for him to continue to stay in the local area as a military district commander. The most suitable option is to be transferred to the central government.

However, the promotion of a military commander with the rank of General Wang Qiuyun to the central government meant that proper arrangements had to be made for the entry of local leaders into the Central Military Commission. However, the key positions on the CMC were currently occupied, and Wang Qiuyun couldn't simply be made deputy chief of the general staff. This arrangement was completely unacceptable.

But asking everyone to give up their positions for Wang Qiuyun is impossible. Currently, positions in the Military Commission are also one-size-fits-all, and that was achieved after more than a decade of adjustment.

Therefore, everyone tacitly chose the Second Artillery Corps for Wang Qiuyun. Despite its impressive appearance as a strategic missile force, the Second Artillery Corps is currently practically a shell, consisting of only a few independent battalions based on the Dongfeng-1 missile.

The real Second Artillery Corps still needs Wang Qiuyun to build it from scratch. With this arrangement, Wang Qiuyun will not come to affect the stability of the Military Commission structure.

Wei Hongjun did not express any dissent. Compared to working in the Central Military Commission, being in charge of organizing the Second Artillery Corps was more suitable for Wang Qiuyun.

Wang Qiuyun also has the advantage of age and is not eager to seize power in the CMC. Many of the current CMC leaders were born around 1900, and many will retire at the th National Congress, and even more at the th. By then, Wang Qiuyun will not be sixty.

After the Central Military Commission appointed Wang Qiuyun as the commander of the Second Artillery Corps, it appointed Chen Kaikun, the former commander of the Guangzhou Military Region, as the commander of the Wuhan Military Region, to partner with Zhong Qiangguang.

Xu Shiyou, commander of the Nanjing Military Region, was transferred to serve as commander of the Guangzhou Military Region. Zhang Zihua, commander of the Fuzhou Military Region, was transferred to serve as commander of the Nanjing Military Region. Han

He first served as the commander of the Fuzhou Military Region.

Huang Yong had originally been nominated for this military district's reshuffle of military and political leadership. After all, the military and political leaders of the Jin-Cha-Ji Military Sub-districts had all thrived, often holding the rank of general. As a fierce general who emerged from the Autumn Harvest Uprising, Huang Yong's promotion to commander of a major military district was a natural progression based on his seniority, military achievements, and rank.

However, many CMC officials criticized Huang Yong's private life, including Guangzhou Military Region Commander Chen Kaikun and Political Commissar Lai Chuanzhu, who recommended Han Xianchu over Huang Yong.

Wei Hongjun also opposed Huang Yong's appointment as military district commander. Historically, Huang Yong had faced considerable criticism within the military, but Marshal Lin, who presided over the Military Commission, strongly supported him. Marshal Lin commented that Huang Yong had some minor flaws, but remained firm in his revolutionary principles. With Marshal Lin's support, Huang Yong was able to rise through the ranks.

But now that Lin Shuai is no longer in office, many other people are no longer

I like Huang Yong's personality and style. During the war, Huang Yong was a fierce general, and some of his problems could be overlooked. But in peacetime, many of his problems were intolerable within the Party and the military.

Even Luo Shuai, who had always admired Huang Yong, couldn't help but warn him several times. So, during this reshuffle of the military region's leadership, even lieutenant generals began to emerge. But Huang Yong still wasn't promoted, and he became increasingly marginalized within the Guangzhou Military Region.

Of course, the appointment of the Military Commission and the appointment of cadres cannot be completed in a day or two. It takes several months to complete them all.

However, with the Central Military Commission's successive approval of these appointments, the adjustment of military and political cadres in military regions before the Tenth National Congress has basically been successfully completed.

As for these newly appointed military district commanders and political commissars, there are also differences between the military and political cadres and the original military district commanders.

How the cadres work together is the responsibility of these military and political cadres.

If you lack competence and encounter too many conflicts and frequent problems after arriving at a new military region, then the CMC will definitely need further adjustments.

After the commander was chosen, the CMC continued to discuss and finally appointed Xu Liqing, deputy director of the General Political Department of the CMC, as the political commissar of the Second Artillery Corps.

General Peng and Tan Zheng had jointly proposed merging the General Political Department and the General Cadre Department of the Military Commission after the 10th National Congress to form a new General Political Department of the Military Commission. Therefore, many of the cadres in the General Political Department and the General Cadre Department would have to be reassigned.

Assigning a political commissar to Wang Qiuyun was no easy feat. Wang Qiuyun was a typical general with a short career but brilliant military achievements. Despite his low position within the Party during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, his fame resonated throughout the country. He was a renowned general of the time.

Why was Wang Qiuyun so successful in becoming the Deputy Commander of the Northeast Military Region, the Northeast Field Army, and the Fourth Field Army? Besides his position in the military, it was because of his immense reputation.

Therefore, the Central Committee and the Military Commission were very cautious in assigning a political commissar to Wang Qiuyun. You cannot assign a political commissar with the same qualifications as Wang Qiuyun. Such a political commissar is too low-ranking and cannot restrain Wang Qiuyun at all.