Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

It can be said that the National Day atmosphere is becoming increasingly intense. Of course, this does not mean that there is no bad news.

After 1959, some places experienced drought in the spring, severely affecting about 2000 million mu of arable land, and less severely affected nearly million mu of arable land.

Then, in April, some areas were hit by frost, resulting in freezing weather. Parts of Northeast and North China were particularly affected, with nearly 4 million mu (approximately 1000 acres) of farmland affected by the frost.

The province most affected is Heilongjiang. Half of the freezing disasters caused by spring drought and frost occurred in Heilongjiang.

Although Heilongjiang has not become China's largest granary as it will be in a few decades, it is still one of the important granaries. The disaster in Heilongjiang will definitely have an impact on grain production.

However, the central government is not too nervous because a disaster of this scale, although large in scale, will not affect the country's food security.

After urgent consultations, the Ministry of Rural Affairs and the Ministry of Internal Affairs developed a series of disaster relief plans. For areas affected by a disaster, but not severe enough, if summer grain is still required, the collection amount will be reduced based on the severity of the disaster. For areas with severe disasters, the collection amount will be waived.

In Heilongjiang, the region hardest hit by the disaster, the Ministry of Rural Affairs requested the Ministry of Agriculture and Reclamation to participate in disaster relief efforts. The Heilongjiang Production and Construction Corps, through years of reclamation, has reclaimed 2600 million mu (approximately 1700 million hectares) of wasteland and planted million mu (approximately million hectares) of grain. In recent years, the Corps has consistently produced strong grain output, retaining a significant amount even after submitting its required grain to the state.

Because the Heilongjiang Production and Construction Corps is a military-reclamation model, it has always had a tradition of storing grain.

The Heilongjiang Production and Construction Corps is not just about farming; it also develops agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry, sideline production, and fisheries. It also has schools, research institutes, factories, and more directly under its jurisdiction. So while the Corps was affected by the disaster, they are currently capable of providing disaster relief.

Of course, the central government couldn't shirk its responsibility and let the Ministry of Agriculture and Reclamation handle disaster relief. So the Ministry of Rural Affairs, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and the Ministry of Finance simply diverted the grain that should have been handed over by the Production and Construction Corps under the Ministry of Agriculture and Reclamation, transferring it directly to local governments for disaster relief.

In this way, the process of the central government collecting grain from the Production and Construction Corps and then using this grain for disaster relief would be eliminated. Grain can be directly withdrawn from the Production and Construction Corps for local disaster relief in Heilongjiang.

After coordination, the Heilongjiang Production and Construction Corps contributed 4 million jin of grain, and the Heilongjiang provincial and municipal governments contributed 3 million jin as disaster relief preparations.

Disaster relief doesn't just start when a disaster strikes. Heilongjiang has always had a high grain output, so every household and rural cooperative currently has a certain amount of grain reserves. Disaster relief preparations are based on concerns about food shortages in both urban and rural areas after the autumn harvest.

Overall, the current disaster situation is relatively minor. Disasters have occurred every year since the founding of New China, so we are relatively relaxed in dealing with them.

Originally, 1959 was only the th anniversary of National Day, and there was no intention to celebrate it in a grand manner. However, so many good things had happened in those few months, and all of them were concentrated together. So even though the central government did not want a large-scale celebration, spontaneous celebrations broke out across the country.

Moreover, the number of representatives from governments and proletarian parties around the world who came was the largest in all the history of National Day.

In particular, Soviet leader Khrushchev personally came to China for National Day.

Khrushchev, smiling broadly, was interviewed by reporters in front of the wreckage of a U-2 high-altitude reconnaissance plane and stated directly, "Communism is the ultimate form of human society. Socialism now has a clear advantage over capitalism. Socialism will soon defeat capitalism, and the world will usher in a world under the red flag."

After Khrushchev came to China, he was in a very good mood and frequently made suggestions about state affairs. He treated China's National Day as his own show.

"Socialism has gained an absolute upper hand, and U.S. imperialism is in retreat."

Of course, Khrushchev did not come to China to brag in front of the media. He really wanted to discuss with China how to turn the world into a world of red flags.

So, upon meeting with the Chinese Communist Party leaders, Khrushchev immediately expressed his assessment of the current world situation. With his hands gesturing and spit flying, he declared, "The contradictions between American imperialism and Britain and France are growing. American imperialism does not want to see these European countries, Britain and France, ease their relations with socialist countries, but it's clear that Britain and France have different ideas from American imperialism. Therefore, the contradictions between them are growing, and the differences are increasing."

"Although the US imperialists are a long-established industrial nation, American society has begun to stagnate. We are surpassing them in some high-end weapons and industrial sectors."

"So now the socialist camp is in a stage of all-out offensive, while the imperialist camp is in a stage of all-out retreat. As two major powers in the socialist camp, China and the Soviet Union must assume leadership responsibility for the international communist movement, launch an all-out offensive, and thoroughly defeat the imperialist camp."

Listening to Khrushchev's confident words, Wei Hongjun could only say that Khrushchev was very ambitious. Unfortunately, his analysis of the contradictions was flawed.

As former world powers, Britain and France certainly didn't want to be America's junior partners, but they were capitalist countries after all. Even after World War II, the state-owned sector in both countries saw a rapid increase in their economies. This increase in state ownership was not inconsistent with their capitalist regimes.

The most important characteristic of a socialist country is the public ownership of the means of production, while the most obvious characteristic of a capitalist country is its privatization. This cannot be changed simply by adding more state-owned enterprises. Even if a majority of your economy is comprised of state-owned enterprises, as long as the underlying logic remains unchanged, you are still a capitalist country.

Britain and France clearly understand this. No matter how much they dislike the United States, their political and economic logic remains similar. And no matter how much Britain and France improve their relations with the socialist countries, Marxism-Leninism remains the doctrine they are most wary of.

Therefore, Britain and France improved their relations with the countries in the socialist camp, but they would never become allies of the countries in the socialist camp because of this improvement in relations.

Once the socialist countries export revolution and affect the interests of British and French capitalists, they will not hesitate to further ally with the United States to resist the expansion of the socialist camp.

"What does Comrade Khrushchev mean?"

"There are now three fronts. The first is in Europe. What we need to do is to achieve further reconciliation with European countries, mainly Britain and France. Let the imperialist camp split internally and further strain the relationship between US imperialism and Britain and France. As long as the relationship between US imperialism and Britain and France breaks down, US imperialism will not have enough strength to fight socialism."

"The second front is in the Middle East. As long as we can drive U.S. imperialism out of the Middle East, we can force Europe to further break with U.S. imperialism."

"The third front is in Asia, in Indochina, and especially in Vietnam. We should strongly support the Vietnamese Communist Party so that they can unify Vietnam and turn Indochina into a communist country."

Khrushchev was truly excited. He felt as if he had seen the socialist camp defeat the imperialist camp and the whole world embrace Marxism-Leninism.

If I could accomplish such a great feat, then as the leader of the socialist camp, I would surely become a communist leader alongside Marx and Lenin. So what if I criticized Stalin? As long as I accomplished such a great feat, everyone would agree that I was right. What could Stalin compare me to?

"Comrade Khrushchev, judging by the current situation, the South Vietnamese government is supported by U.S. imperialism. If the Communist Party of Vietnam wants to unify Vietnam, it is very likely to be subject to direct interference from U.S. imperialism."

The Prime Minister then addressed the biggest challenge facing Vietnam's reunification. In the eyes of these Chinese leaders, the South Vietnamese government was even worse than Chiang Kai-shek's regime. It was a rubbish government that could easily fall.

The most difficult part of Vietnam's unification was the interference of the United States. Eisenhower was most afraid of the spread of Marxism-Leninism in Southeast Asia, so he would not watch North Vietnam take over South Vietnam.

"This is exactly what I want to talk about today. There is nothing to be afraid of American imperialism. Chinese comrades should have more confidence. You defeated American imperialism on the Korean Peninsula. Their army is full of young soldiers, and their people will not work for capitalists."

"The Soviet Union and China have grown tremendously in strength over the years, so there's no need to worry about American imperialism. As long as our two countries support the Communist Party of Vietnam, we won't be afraid even if American imperialism sends troops."

"U.S. imperialism has already been defeated once on the Korean Peninsula. We will give them another crushing defeat in Vietnam. Then the whole world will see the weakness of U.S. imperialism and the strength of the socialist camp."

The more Khrushchev spoke, the more he felt that victory was at hand.

Wei Hongjun looked at the excited Khrushchev and recalled Chairman Mao's "On Protracted War." The United States and the Soviet Union were both powerful nations; victory or defeat could not be decided in a short time.

Expecting a "quick victory" is a form of opportunism. Seeing a slightly favorable situation, one wants to go all in and secure victory quickly. Such people, once faced with an unfavorable situation, immediately become dejected and become believers in "a quick defeat."

Looking at Khrushchev now, he is exactly the kind of person the Chairman described.

However, Wei Hongjun could predict that Khrushchev's current fanatical thinking would likely persist until the Cuban Missile Crisis. He might even support Vietnam further after the Cuban Missile Crisis to vent his anger.

With a Khrushchev like that, one can only go along with it, not against it. So Wei Hongjun said, "Comrade Khrushchev, you must know that our southwestern provinces, Guangxi, Yunnan, Guizhou, and other places, are extremely poor. Many of them can't even fully solve the problem of food and clothing, let alone any industrial base."

"So if my country wants to support Vietnam, it has to draw supplies from other regions. Including supplies from the Soviet Union. There are too many restrictions on using my country to support Vietnam."

"So I think two issues must be resolved before China and the Soviet Union can effectively support the Communist Party of Vietnam."

Khrushchev still attached great importance to Wei Hongjun's opinions. One reason was that Wei Hongjun held a very important position in the Communist Party of China. Although Wei Hongjun was always humble and respectful to veteran comrades, the Soviet intelligence agencies were not just for show.

Another reason was that Wei Hongjun was a general who had defeated the US Army in the Korean War. Within the socialist camp, he had a halo around him, much like Zhukov's halo within the Soviet army.

Finally, Wei Hongjun left a deep impression on Khrushchev in 1956 and 1957. His calm demeanor and quick response to changing circumstances pleased Khrushchev immensely. Khrushchev sometimes even lamented the lack of a cadre as talented as Wei Hongjun.

Now, as soon as Wei Hongjun spoke, Khrushchev immediately asked: "Comrade Wei Hongjun, which two problems do you think should be solved?"

1065 Requirements

"The first issue to be resolved is transportation. China and the Soviet Union want to support our Vietnamese comrades, but the biggest obstacle at this stage is our country's backward transportation situation."

"Our southwestern provinces are extremely poor, struggling to even feed themselves. They can't develop on their own and usually need support from the entire nation to even have enough food. Therefore, it's practically impossible to get the southwestern provinces to support our Vietnamese comrades. To support Vietnam, we must mobilize supplies from across the country, as well as from the Soviet Union, and send them south. This requires solving the problem of transporting supplies."

"We must add a new railway line to our country's north-south line. This railway line must run through our country from north to south, opening up a north-south transportation channel. Otherwise, relying solely on the Beijing-Guangzhou line, we simply won't be able to provide sufficient supplies to our Vietnamese comrades."

"The same goes for Soviet material transportation. The Soviet Union wants to support our Vietnamese comrades, but the sea route is more difficult and the enemy is more numerous. In particular, some important strategic materials must be transported by rail, which also requires my country's north-south transportation line. However, my country's current north-south material transportation line mainly relies on the Beijing-Guangzhou line. Normally, the transportation capacity is already quite tight, not to mention that if a large-scale war breaks out in Vietnam, the materials required will be dozens of times more than usual. The Beijing-Guangzhou line is simply unable to bear such a heavy task."

"Therefore, building a north-south railway line is of paramount importance. Without such a railway line, everything else is meaningless, and the supplies needed by the Vietnamese comrades cannot be provided at all."

Supporting Vietnam was indeed a good thing. No matter how much Khrushchev boasted that the socialist camp now had the upper hand, the United States still had the upper hand in terms of economy and industry.

The United States not only boasts a solid heavy industrial base, but also boasts the largest industry in the world. Unlike the Soviet Union, the United States also boasts a highly developed light industry, and is even ahead of the Soviet Union in high technology. The Soviet Union currently surpasses the United States in certain areas, relying on its national strength. However, Khrushchev interpreted this lead in a particular area as a comprehensive socialist lead over the United States. Wei Hongjun, however, was not so optimistic.

Therefore, the United States cannot be allowed to relax. Once the United States has nothing to do, it will focus on China. After all, in Asia, there is really no power that can restrain China.

Without US interference, China would be an undisputed power in East and Southeast Asia, easily able to dominate. As long as China develops normally, East and Southeast Asian countries will be very wary of China. The US, of course, cannot stand by and watch Red China's influence in Asia grow, hence its various suppression measures against China.

If you want the US to relax its suppression of China, you need to keep it busy with other things. Just like in history, the Vietnam War caused the US to bleed profusely. It coincided with the economic cycle, forcing the US to lower its stance and befriend China.

The same is true in this time and space. The Soviet Union is confronting the United States head-on, while also bleeding the United States on other battlefields.

From a global perspective, there is no place more suitable than Vietnam. Of course, if things go well in the future, the United States can also be bleed on the Korean Peninsula.

Or perhaps Vietnam is not the right place, and Asia is the most suitable place to bleed the United States. Because Asian industrial countries are relatively lacking, as long as China and the United States do not fight, the intensity of the war will be limited.

Europe is both the most dangerous and the safest. The danger stems from the fact that both the US and the Soviet Union prioritize Europe, deploying the greatest forces there—powers capable of completely destroying it. However, precisely because these forces are so vast, a conflict between the US and the Soviet Union would completely devastate Europe. This, in turn, creates mutual fear between the US and the Soviet Union. They fear that a conflict in Europe would wipe out the entire continent. Therefore, Europe is also the safest region.

Therefore, the most suitable place to bleed the United States is Asia, and at this stage it is Vietnam.

But the same thing applies. Khrushchev now wants to accomplish a grand strategy, and the Soviet Union wants to take the lead. This means the Soviet Union will have to pay some price.

The Vietnam War was relevant to China, but it was definitely not as urgent as the Korean Peninsula. The Korean Peninsula was so important that even if the Soviet Air Force did not participate in the war as agreed, China would still have to send troops to fight in Korea. Because China could not afford to lose the Korean Peninsula.

But Vietnam is different. Although Vietnam is also important, China is not as anxious. Now it is Khrushchev who is more anxious.

China's current north-south railway trunk lines are the Beijing-Harbin Railway, the Beijing-Guangzhou Railway, the Beijing-Shanghai Railway, and the Baoji-Chengdu-Kunming Railway.

The Chengdu-Kunming Railway is still under construction, the Beijing-Harbin Railway connects Beijing and Northeast China, and the Beijing-Shanghai Railway runs from Beijing to Shanghai. None of these railway lines have direct ties to Vietnam. Therefore, the only north-south railway line in China that could be used in the Vietnam War at this stage is the Beijing-Guangzhou Railway.

As China's economy developed, the task of transporting materials became increasingly demanding. The Beijing-Guangzhou railway was already overloaded and it was impossible to support Vietnam.

If China wanted to support Vietnam, the North and South had to build another railway line. Since the Soviet Union was the big brother, it should support such a railway line.

Khrushchev and several Soviet leaders understood what Wei Hongjun meant.

Khrushchev was impulsive and lacked theoretical knowledge, but that didn't mean he was a fool. Otherwise, he wouldn't have risen to the position of Soviet leader. However, Khrushchev was currently pursuing his "dream" of defeating American imperialism, spreading Marxism-Leninism globally, and becoming a revolutionary leader like Marx and Lenin.

So he didn't object and nodded, saying, "Compared to Northeast China, transportation in other parts of China is relatively backward and cannot bear the logistical support of a war. Adding a north-south railway trunk line to China to improve material transportation capacity is indeed a matter of course, and this can be discussed. However, such a railway trunk line of one to two thousand kilometers will take several years to lay. I think that once our two countries and the Vietnamese comrades reach a consensus, the Vietnamese comrades can launch a war of unification. By then, the railway trunk line may not even be built."

That was how Khrushchev operated. He couldn't wait to do anything he thought of or wanted to do. Even with something as big as the Vietnam War, Khrushchev wanted it to start right away. If not in 1959, he wanted it to start in 1960.

In Khrushchev's view, it would take at least five or six years for a country as large as China to build a north-south railway line. By then, the opportunity would be gone.

"This is not a problem."

The Chairman waved his hand and said, "We support the revolution of our fraternal parties and must go all out. However, we can't just use wheelbarrows to deliver material support. Rail transport is the best way to ensure this. Our current problem is a lack of funds and steel. If the Soviet comrades can help us in this regard, we will mobilize a large amount of manpower and material resources and divide the construction into sections. As long as a section of track is laid, the train will run through it. This will absolutely not affect the needs of the front."

The benefits that a railway trunk line running through the north and south can bring to China are astonishing.

It's often said that water transport easily outperforms rail transport in terms of scale. However, rail transport also has many advantages over road transport. Precisely because of the importance of rail in land transport, many modern Chinese cities have risen thanks to rail.

The benefits of a major railway line are not just economic, but also political and military. With a railway, many places can escape isolation and poverty, and become more connected to other places. The military benefits are even greater.

Once the Soviet Union's financial and steel support is obtained, the central government can mobilize millions of people to participate in this project in a short period of time.

Just like the Jiao-Liu Railway in history, several provinces mobilized millions of people and laid 700 to 800 kilometers of railway within a few months.

Many local cadres in China possess strong mobilization and organizational capabilities. This was demonstrated during the Liberation War and in the major projects that followed the founding of the People's Republic of China. Even many young cadres were trained in these major projects and know how to organize and implement them.

Therefore, when the country needs it, it is not difficult for China for a province to mobilize hundreds of thousands or even millions of manpower.

"As long as it is necessary for the international communist movement and for the development of our socialist camp, our country can compress the time required to lay the railway to the utmost. If the Soviet Union provides us with a batch of construction machinery, we can shorten the time even further."

Deng Xixian interrupted.

Deng Xixian, while in the Southwest Bureau, had directed and participated in the construction of the Chengdu-Chongqing Railway. He had also served as director of the Planning Commission for several years and had a good understanding of China's railway construction.

Building a north-south railway line presents numerous challenges. But given funding, steel, and construction machinery, the Chinese people can create a miracle. Exploring, designing, and laying the groundwork simultaneously, they can create a 2,000-kilometer railway line in a single year.

Khrushchev nodded. A railway of one or two thousand kilometers was no small feat for China. But for an industrial power like the Soviet Union, it wasn't a big deal.

Just like the lack of steel in the Chinese market, the only way to make up for the shortage of steel in a short period of time is to build many local steel mills with an annual output of hundreds of thousands of tons, 200,000 to 300,000 tons.

But the Soviet Union's steel production was already approaching 100 million tons, and it simply didn't care about a steel plant of this size. A single blast furnace could easily produce hundreds of thousands of tons of steel annually. As for the steel needed for a few railways, it was even less than a drop in the bucket for the Soviet Union.

"Comrade Khrushchev, this isn't just a matter of the north-south railway line. Transportation conditions in most of our southwestern provinces are extremely poor, and many areas are inaccessible even to cars. If we want to get supplies to Vietnam, we need to make an overall plan for transportation in the southwestern provinces, especially in Guangxi. Only when Guangxi's transportation is improved can we quickly and accurately deliver supplies to our Vietnamese comrades."