Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

The current situation is that the central government needs to invest more funds in heavy industry to develop it, but this creates a structural contradiction and conflict with the rapidly expanding demand for light industrial products in county and township markets.

Striking a balance between these factors is no easy task. As profits from light industry continue to rise, calls for prioritizing its development are growing louder, both centrally and locally. Many local governments are even investing more resources in light industry to profit from it.

But this conflicts with the central government's national policy of prioritizing the development of heavy industry.

So overall, the current situation has both good and bad news. Of course, overall, the good news definitely outweighs the bad news, after all, these are problems that arise during development.

In addition to maintaining contact with the inspection teams, Wei Hongjun also discussed Party building and intra-Party oversight with the Organization Department and the Supervisory Commission. For example, regarding the Party member removal system, the opinions of the Supervisory Commission are needed, in addition to the Organization Department. This involves determining the severity of the punishment for Party members and cadres punished by the Supervisory Commission, and determining what crimes and penalties warrant removal. The Organization Department and the Supervisory Commission must reach consensus on these matters.

At this time, a report from the Office of the Central Special Committee made Wei Hongjun immediately give up all the work in his hands and immediately decided to hold an internal meeting with the main cadres of the Central Special Committee.

After the establishment of the Central Special Committee, the daily work of the Central Special Committee was handled by the Special Committee Office. The Special Committee Office was headed by Yang Quanwu, with Zhao Lu as the executive deputy director, and the other four deputy directors being Zhang Aiping, Huang Kecheng, Zheng Hantao, and Xue Muqiao.

Later, Huang Kecheng left the Military Commission and was no longer the deputy director of the Special Committee Office. The Central Special Committee decided that Qian Sanqiang would be the deputy director of the Special Committee Office, mainly responsible for the overall engineering of the atomic bomb project.

Whenever the Central Special Committee had important matters to discuss, the Premier personally presided over the meeting to resolve them. At each meeting, the Premier meticulously assigned tasks to each ministry and each cooperating factory. He mapped out the budget, the number of personnel, the production volume, and the time required. Anyone who failed to meet the targets was held accountable. While the Premier may appear easygoing, he can be quite formidable when he loses his temper.

Under the Premier's work style, no ministry or factory could easily cheat. The Premier didn't care about the difficulties; he only cared about the final result. Therefore, after the Premier took charge of the Central Special Committee, the atomic bomb project's efficiency was extremely high. The Premier was able to coordinate whatever the project required.

However, the Prime Minister was currently visiting France and was unable to preside over this internal meeting of the Central Committee. After the establishment of diplomatic ties between China and France, Charles de Gaulle invited a Chinese delegation to visit France to further strengthen bilateral relations and implement those cooperation projects. The Prime Minister accepted the invitation and traveled to France.

The central government agreed to allow the Premier to visit France, not only to strengthen diplomatic relations with France but also to break the current diplomatic deadlock in Europe. Besides visiting France, the Premier's itinerary will also include visits to Nordic countries that have diplomatic ties with China, such as Sweden, Switzerland, Denmark, Finland, and Norway.

After France became a "traitor" to the imperialist camp and established diplomatic relations with China, the United States has been pressuring Western European countries not to establish diplomatic relations with China. The United States is powerful, and Western European countries are still very wary of the United States.

So, after France broke the deadlock and established diplomatic relations with China, the current situation remains somewhat stalemated. Western European countries are engaged in secret negotiations with China, each unwilling to antagonize or abandon relations with the country. Consequently, these secret negotiations have resulted in consensus on many issues, but implementation remains elusive. These countries also want to avoid being targeted by the United States. With no way to deal with France, the United States might vent its anger on the second country to establish diplomatic relations with China.

Therefore, the Prime Minister's trip to Europe is also aimed at increasing engagement with Western European countries and breaking the current deadlock. Western European countries are now waiting for the next courageous country to establish diplomatic relations with China. If even one country steps up now to establish diplomatic relations with China, the United States will lose control of the entire Western European nation. China has set its sights on the United Kingdom.

The only country capable of breaking the deadlock now is the United Kingdom. Furthermore, the secret negotiations between China and the United Kingdom during this period have yielded fruitful results, with both sides reaching consensus on many issues.

After the disastrous defeat in the Battle of Suez, Britain and France were stripped bare by the US and the Soviet Union. After Charles de Gaulle became president, France simultaneously eased relations with the Soviet Union and established diplomatic relations with China, seeking a new path forward.

Britain also did not want to fall behind France. It also wanted to find a new diplomatic relationship under the new circumstances to safeguard its interests and maintain its dignity. Establishing diplomatic relations with a major country like China was extremely necessary.

However, China and Britain also have some differences, mainly on the Taiwan and Hong Kong issues, as well as on Southeast Asia, where many of Britain's former colonial interests lie.

Many of the issues involved require higher-level officials to resolve. The Prime Minister's trip to Europe, in addition to visiting various European countries, also aims to negotiate face-to-face with the British. China and the UK have a tacit understanding and are preparing to hold high-level, secret negotiations in a Nordic country, either Sweden or Switzerland, to resolve any remaining differences.

As long as the final differences can be resolved or both sides make a compromise, China and Britain can establish diplomatic relations.

This is a big deal. As long as China and the UK successfully establish diplomatic relations, there will be no problem in conquering other European countries within the next one or two years.

That's why the Premier went to Europe in person. Since the Premier is not in China now, Wei Hongjun is presiding over the internal meeting of the Central Special Committee.

The internal meeting was small. Besides Wei Hongjun, the other two deputy directors of the Central Special Committee, Deng Xixian and General He, attended, along with several key officials from the Central Special Committee's office.

"We've all read the report."

After the meeting, Wei Hongjun directly asked Yang Quanwu, Zhao Lu, Zhang Aiping and others.

The reason why this special committee meeting was convened urgently was because the special committee office submitted a report on the atomic bomb explosion test conducted in February 1959 to Wei Hongjun and others.

This is a major issue, and we cannot afford to neglect it. Ever since the United States dropped the atomic bomb on Japan, nuclear weapons have become the exclusive domain of major powers. Currently, only the United States, the Soviet Union, and the United Kingdom possess atomic bombs.

During the Korean War, the Americans frequently threatened China with using atomic bombs on the battlefield, blackmailing New China with nuclear weapons.

Don't be fooled by Chairman Mao's statement in Moscow in 1957 that the atomic bomb was not a threat and that it could not destroy China. China has a population of million. Even if million people were lost, there would still be million people. This frightened the leaders of Eastern European countries at the time.

But upon returning to China, the first thing the Chairman did was to inquire about the progress of atomic bomb development. Strategically, morale couldn't be compromised, so while the atomic bomb wasn't formidable, everyone knew its power. Therefore, tactically, the atomic bomb was given great importance.

Otherwise, how could the central government set up an institution like the Central Special Committee?

"What we want now is the clearest answer. Can we really conduct an atomic bomb test in February?"

This was what Wei Hongjun wanted to know. Deng Xixian and Mr. He also looked at Yang Quanwu.

"We have overcome all theoretical and engineering difficulties, and there is no longer any resistance to the development of the atomic bomb. The factory has begun assembling the first two atomic bombs. Once the atomic bombs are assembled, they will be transported to the test site for the atomic bomb explosion test."

Yang Quanwu reported the status of the atomic bomb project to Wei Hongjun, Deng Xixian, and General He. The atomic bomb project had truly reached its final moments, with only the final explosion missing.

"Yes. Now it's the final moment. We are just waiting to bring the atomic bomb to the test site for the explosion test."

Zhao Lu echoed Yang Quanwu.

Everyone was delighted to hear what Yang Quanwu and Zhao Lu said. Wei Hongjun was especially pleased. It was now the end of October 1958, and the factory had already begun final assembly. If they could speed things up, they could detonate the atomic bomb around January of the following year.

This was in 1959, and China had acquired the atomic bomb five years ahead of schedule, which would have brought about a major change in the entire world situation.

Sino-Soviet relations, Sino-US relations, Sino-European relations, and even the situation in Southeast Asia will all undergo different changes. A China with atomic bombs and a China without atomic bombs are completely different opponents.

Whether it is the Soviet Union, the United States, or Europe, they will all need to readjust their policies toward China at that time.

However, Wei Hongjun suppressed his excitement and said, "Comrade Qian Sanqiang, are you sure there are no technical problems now?"

"The theoretical problems were largely resolved two years ago. These past two years have primarily focused on resolving engineering challenges. So, Secretary Wei, everything is now ready."

Qian Sanqiang gave Wei Hongjun the greatest reassurance.

"well."

Wei Hongjun looked at Deng Xixian and Mr. He and asked, "What do you think?"

"We need to report to the Chairman and his team as soon as possible to officially confirm the explosion time."

Deng Xixian spoke.

Mr. He also said: "Yes, we need to determine the time of the explosion."

Wei Hongjun nodded.

Leaning against Yang Quanwu, he asked, "Who is currently in charge of the nuclear test base?"

"The commander of the nuclear test base is Comrade Yang Fulong, and the political commissar and party secretary is Comrade Cai Xin. Comrade Han Wei is also currently at the nuclear test base."

Wei Hongjun nodded.

The commander of the nuclear test base, Yang Fulong, was a founding major general. Coming from the Jin-Cha-Ji Third Military Region, he wasn't considered a formidable military leader. During the war years, he primarily oversaw local military operations, and during the Liberation War, he provided Yang Quanwu with a significant number of troops and logistical supplies.

Yang Quanwu had so many capable and brave generals under his command, but he chose Yang Fulun as the commander of the nuclear test base.

Political Commissar Cai Xin, a founding lieutenant general, was a renowned stubborn cadre in the Jin-Cha-Ji region. Early on, during a dispute between Yang Quanwu and Deng Guo over the separation of their family, Cai Xin unexpectedly criticized Yang Quanwu, leaving him speechless. Later, he followed Deng Guo and was recaptured by Yang Quanwu. Marshal Nie intervened to mediate, but Cai Xin ultimately followed Deng Guo.

However, who would have thought that when Wei Hongjun's independent detachment opened up the Sanggong Anti-Japanese Base, it merged with Cai Xin and other cadres left behind by the Pingxi detachment. Later, the 17th Regiment was taken away by Yang Quanwu, and Cai Xin became a cadre under Yang Quanwu again.

Although Cai Xin had scolded Yang Quanwu and later followed Deng Guo, causing Yang Quanwu to lose face, Yang Quanwu did not hold a grudge. Instead, he continued to use Cai Xin, making him a key political cadre under Yang Quanwu. He was also given the important positions of Party Secretary and Political Commissar of the nuclear test base.

Yang Quanwu had originally recruited Han Wei from the North China Military Region specifically because, despite being a military officer, he was a very meticulous person and an expert in political work.

Wei Hongjun was very relieved to have Han Wei at the nuclear test base.

Wei Hongjun thought for a moment and said, "Comrade Yang Quanwu, from now on, the Special Committee Office must be staffed 24 hours a day. The deputy directors of the Special Committee Office must make good time arrangements."

"it is good."

This was a huge matter. After receiving a positive response from Yang Quanwu and the others, Wei Hongjun, Deng Xixian, and General He immediately went to report to the Chairman.

After hearing the report, the Chairman was also very happy. He had previously envied the United States and the Soviet Union for having atomic bombs, and now China also wanted to have its own atomic bomb. So he immediately notified Comrade Xiu Yang, Chen Yun, and Marshal Nie to convene a meeting of the Politburo Standing Committee to hear the report.

Finally, the date for the atomic bomb explosion test was set for February 1959, 2.

After the time was set, all departments became busy.

As the first secretary of the Secretariat and the head of the Scientific Work Committee, Wei Hongjun also had to do a good job in ensuring the atomic bomb explosion.

Wei Hongjun demanded that Han Weiguo make every effort to ensure safety during the atomic bomb test. Although Li Kenong was the head of the Central Investigation Department, he no longer handled departmental work, or rather, was unable to do so. Immediately after liberation, Li Kenong already suffered from severe asthma and heart disease. In 1957, he suffered a cerebral hemorrhage, and his memory began to deteriorate.

Therefore, Han Weiguo, the deputy director of the Central Investigation Department, took over Li Kenong's position as director and handled the work of the Investigation Department. Currently, the main task of the Central Investigation Department is to protect key national projects and key national factories.

The smooth progress of the atomic bomb explosion test is the most important task of the Central Investigation Department in the next few months.

At the same time, Wei Hongjun demanded at a meeting of the Central Special Committee that all ministries and commissions must prioritize meeting any needs of the Special Committee Office within the next few months. There was no room for negotiation; the chaotic situation would be resolved after the atomic bomb was successfully detonated.

While the country was making final preparations for the atomic bomb, good news arrived from the Prime Minister. He met with British Prime Minister Macmillan in Stockholm, Sweden, and discussed issues between China and Britain.

Macmillan was the leader of the Conservative Party. After the Battle of Suez, he made a very accurate assessment of Britain's decline.

After the Battle of Suez, France decided to bring Charles de Gaulle back to power to make France great again. Macmillan decided to quickly improve relations with the United States and also took a laissez-faire attitude towards the independence of African colonies.

But Macmillan was not content with this alone. He wanted to play a greater role in diplomacy, to prove that despite Britain's decline, its influence remained. So he actively negotiated, hoping that the three nuclear powers, Britain, the United States, and the Soviet Union, would sit down and sign a "Non-Proliferation Treaty."

So, while Macmillan was improving relations with the United States, he also wanted to establish diplomatic relations with China. He knew that France was the dominant power on the European continent. In time, under France's influence, those European countries currently hesitating would establish diplomatic relations with China. At that point, Britain would be on the defensive on the European continent.

Therefore, both China and Britain made significant concessions during this negotiation. Unlike France, which remained hesitant on the Taiwan issue and demanded that China come to Paris to expel the Taiwanese representatives, Macmillan stated directly that Britain did not recognize Taiwan and would not have a Taiwan Office in London.

Similarly, on the Hong Kong issue, both China and Britain tacitly agreed to use Hong Kong as a bridge between the two countries, and China did not propose to take Hong Kong back. Macmillan even invited Chinese financial institutions, factories, trading companies, etc. to register and operate directly in Hong Kong.

Beyond Hong Kong, China also made concessions in other areas. British shipping companies were allowed to enter Chinese ports, and the two sides were allowed to establish joint shipping companies in Hong Kong. Chinese goods bound for Europe were primarily handled by British shipping companies. Of course, a major reason for China's concessions in this regard was that the Taiwanese navy was acting as pirates in Chinese waters, impacting the safety of Chinese shipping.

The Central Committee approved the negotiations between China and Britain. On November 1958, 11, China and Britain issued a "Joint Statement" in Stockholm, Sweden. Thus began the countdown to the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Britain.

This statement, like the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and France, was a major event that shocked the world. Although Britain and France had declined significantly in power, as the old imperialist hegemons, their influence was still considerable.

The "Joint Statement" between China and the UK is like a domino effect.

On November 1958, 11, seven days after China and Britain issued the "Joint Statement", China and Italy issued the "Joint Statement" in Geneva, Switzerland.

In fact, there is no fundamental contradiction between China and Italy. The two countries have already reached an agreement and are just waiting for a good opportunity. The statement from China and Britain is the best opportunity.

While the Prime Minister was achieving fruitful results in Europe, Foreign Minister Chen Lao was even more so in the Middle East.

After the oil conference, relations between China and Middle Eastern countries have advanced rapidly. They are now all aligned, sharing common interests. However, China and the Middle Eastern countries do not have diplomatic relations. This is, of course, unacceptable.

China and Iraq began negotiations in the middle of the oil conference, and after the oil conference ended, the two countries quickly established diplomatic relations.

This was the beginning, and China and the Middle Eastern countries subsequently launched separate negotiations.

1958年10月3日，中国和黎巴嫩建交。10月22日，中国和科威特建交。

1958年11月18日，中国和中东大哥之一的沙特建交。1958年12月1日，中国和伊朗建交。

At the end of 1958, China's diplomacy suddenly began to explode.

1058 Solve problems found during inspections

1958, the tenth anniversary of the founding of New China, was truly a fruitful year.

Good weather and favorable harvests brought about a major agricultural boom in 1958, with grain production officially exceeding 5000 billion catties. The total grain production from government-subsidized grain, state-owned grain purchases, and additional grain purchases in 1958 reached a staggering 1700 billion catties, 1957 billion catties more than in 400.

And this is only the grain procurement at the central level. In years of good harvest, local governments also purchase a certain amount of grain for local reserves.

Industrial investment is accelerating, and there is a serious shortage of steel in the market. Just look at the wide variety of industrial products currently on the market.

Trade flourished. Trade between China and the socialist bloc—the Soviet Union, Eastern Europe, North Korea, and Vietnam—reached $56 billion, nearly three times China's trade volume at that time in history. Within the socialist bloc, China both exported and imported more.

Beyond the socialist bloc, trade between China and countries in Southeast Asia, Europe, Japan, Africa, and the Middle East has also continued to grow. While much of this trade involves processing imported materials, with some also involving the export of agricultural and sideline products, the sheer volume translates to high trade volumes.

There were also some energy exports. After the establishment of private economic exchanges between China and Japan, China exported a significant amount of oil and coal to Japan in 1958 in exchange for Japanese synthetic fiber machinery and equipment. With a strong economy and adequate food supply, the demand for cloth grew stronger.