Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

However, if the "Regulations on the Appointment of Leading Party and Government Cadres" are adopted at the Party conference, they will become the first formal rules for the appointment of leading cadres in the history of the CPC Central Committee. The Central Committee had previously had cadre appointment rules, but they were relatively crude. They were formed during the long years of revolutionary history, primarily from the use of cadres during the war years. They were not formal regulations of this kind. At the Eighth National Congress, the Central Committee drew on Soviet cadre management experience and issued the "Decision on Strengthening Cadre Management Work." However, this was merely a policy-oriented regulation at the central level.

However, the "Regulations on the Appointment of Party and Government Leading Cadres" are different.

Because it’s an official rule.

This will become an internal Party regulation. All future cadre appointments will be conducted in full compliance with this regulation.

The Chairman favored this kind of down-to-earth work style. Just like during the Liberation War, when troops from various liberated areas launched major counteroffensives to liberate major cities, they had similar "city entry discipline" and "city takeover plans." However, the General Front Committee of the Pingjin Campaign, led by Wei Hongjun, formulated the most detailed and thorough plan.

As a result, when it came to taking over large cities, the North China Bureau and the North China Army did the best.

Needless to say, the Fifth Field Army also did a superb job in taking over major cities like Beijing and Tianjin, and later when it moved south to take over so many other cities, no serious problems arose.

Such performance is inseparable from the solid work done by Wei Hongjun, secretary of the general front committee of the Pingjin Campaign, before the battle and the formulation of detailed regulations.

"I have forwarded this report to the other Politburo members in Beijing. Before the Second Session of the Ninth Central Committee, let's hear everyone's opinions. If there are no objections, we will discuss it at the Second Session of the Ninth Central Committee, and then pass it and officially promulgate it."

"Yes."

Although Wei Hongjun was actually responsible for the preparations for the Ninth National Congress, he nominally had to discuss the matter with Comrade Xiu Yang, Chen Yun, Marshal Nie and others.

But things were different at the Second Session of the Ninth Central Committee.

The Ninth National Congress of the Communist Party of China was attended by over 1000 delegates. The Second Session of the Ninth Central Committee was a meeting of the Central Committee. Participants included Central Committee members and alternate members, as well as some officials in important positions, totaling around 200 people.

So it is not as grand as the Ninth National Congress.

Therefore, as a member of the Standing Committee responsible for Party affairs and the Secretariat, Wei Hongjun naturally served as Chairman of the Preparatory Committee for the Second Session of the Ninth Central Committee. Therefore, during the meeting, an additional topic was added: Wei Hongjun's work.

"There's also the question of how long the top leaders of local Party, government, and military organizations should serve. I've discussed this with other comrades. In principle, we all agree that there should be time limits on top leaders' terms, but we shouldn't blindly adjust them. Especially in the current situation, we can't just reshuffle everyone at once, as that would cause chaos in local work. So, my idea, along with some other comrades, is to start with a select group of provincial Party secretaries. The Secretariat should discuss this and start with those who have served for around ten years. By the time of the Tenth National Congress, all provincial Party secretaries who have served for ten years will have been rotated."

"Yes."

The adjustment of local cadres is much easier than that of military cadres.

Not too sensitive either.

"The first three or four would be best. Do you have any candidates?"

Wei Hongjun thought for a moment and said, "Chairman, then I'll speak boldly. I think the first group to be adjusted should be cadres who have served as top leaders in local areas for a long time, or have been involved in local revolution for a long time. Comrade Tan Qilong, First Secretary of the Shandong Provincial Party Committee, Comrade Zeng Xisheng, First Secretary of the Anhui Provincial Party Committee, Comrade Liu Shude, First Secretary of the Fujian Provincial Party Committee, and Comrade Li Jingquan, First Secretary of the Sichuan Provincial Party Committee. Comrades Tan Qilong, Liu Shude, and Li Jingquan, after the founding of New China, all served as First Secretaries of the Provincial Party Committee and Political Commissars of major military regions at the same time. Comrade Zeng Xisheng has been involved in the revolution in Anhui since the Anti-Japanese War, for more than 20 years. Moreover, after the founding of New China, Comrade Zeng Xisheng has also been the First Secretary of the Anhui Provincial Party Committee."

The Organization Department and the Secretariat have the power to make recommendations regarding adjustments to provincial Party secretaries, but the decision-making power lies with the Politburo. Wei Hongjun immediately began considering the first group of cadres to be adjusted. They shouldn't be too numerous, but they must all be representative.

The several cadres proposed by Wei Hongjun are the most representative.

The Chairman listened to Wei Hongjun's list, nodded, and said, "These four people are indeed representative. So, how do you think the adjustments would be best?"

When Wei Hongjun raised the issue of the term of office of the top leader, the Chairman knew that Wei Hongjun had a plan in mind.

So I would like to hear Wei Hongjun’s thoughts.

Wei Hongjun said, "I'm thinking of transferring Comrade Zeng Xisheng to the central government. During his time as Anhui Provincial Party Secretary, he achieved great success in regulating the Huai River, with grain production tripling that of 1947. Anhui became a net grain exporter. So, I'm thinking of transferring Comrade Zeng Xisheng to the central government to work in the Rural Work Department. Comrade Lai Ruoyu has been in poor health recently and has been hospitalized. The Rural Work Department needs a cadre like Zeng Xisheng who has presided over the regulation of the Huai River and the work of an entire province."

Wei Hongjun had a really good impression of Zeng Xisheng.

If we ignore historical events, Zeng Xisheng is undoubtedly a highly capable official among current provincial Party secretaries. His achievements in Anhui are exceptional. He oversaw the management of the Huai River and subsequently restructured Anhui's agricultural development, resulting in continuous increases in grain production.

1947年安徽的粮食产量不到80亿斤，1948年安徽解放之后粮食产量有了92亿斤左右。但曾熙胜主政安徽之后，1957年安徽省粮食产量已经增加到了266亿斤。

Currently, Anhui's population is around 3000 million, and the per capita grain output in Anhui has reached about 440 kilograms.

On what basis.

This was achieved through changes in planting techniques, improved seeds, and, most importantly, the development of water conservancy projects to increase the irrigated land in Anhui. In 1948, the entire province had only about 1000 million mu of irrigated land. However, Zeng Xisheng led the people of Anhui to increase the area by over 6000 million mu over the years. Furthermore, Zeng Xisheng's plan aimed to increase the irrigated land area in Anhui to 1.2 million mu within the next decade.

By then, Anhui's grain output will exceed 400 billion jin.

When Anhui was first liberated, it had to purchase grain from surrounding provinces. However, starting in 1954, Anhui became a grain exporter for four consecutive years. Zeng Xisheng's work in Anhui during these years is truly commendable.

After entering 1958, something happened that made Wei Hongjun very sad.

That is, the physical examination results of Lai Ruoyu, Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Rural Affairs, were very poor.

Diagnosed with liver cancer.

This deeply saddened Wei Hongjun, and the entire Rural Work Department. Lai Ruoyu was a key cadre in the Central Committee's rural affairs work, a member of the Ninth National Congress, and a bridge between Wei Hongjun and local Shanxi cadres after he took over the North China Bureau. Thanks to Lai Ruoyu, Wei Hongjun quickly became close with the cadres in central and southern Shanxi. Lai Ruoyu was a cadre Wei Hongjun deeply trusted. However, his current health meant his life was in the countdown.

So Deng Zhihui wanted to transfer a cadre to the Rural Work Department.

When Wei Hongjun and Deng Zhihui were reviewing some suitable cadres for the Rural Work Department, Deng Zhihui spoke highly of Zeng Xisheng, so Wei Hongjun suggested that Zeng Xisheng join the Rural Work Department.

"Comrade Xisheng made great contributions during the Long March."

The Chairman is very familiar with Zeng Xisheng.

It has been said several times that Zeng Xisheng made outstanding contributions in the Long March.

"As for the other comrades, why not have them switch positions? Transfer one more comrade from the central government to the local level, and that will complete the transfer of four people."

The chairman nodded.

It's impossible for all these provincial Party secretaries to be promoted to the central government, and the central government doesn't have that many positions for them. So the only option is to let them transfer to other provinces and continue to serve as provincial Party secretaries.

"You should discuss the specific situation with Comrade Chen Tanqiu and the other comrades in the Secretariat, and then write a report."

"Yes."

After discussing this aspect of work, the Chairman began to talk about the issue of the Party School.

"After Comrade Peiguo passed away, the Central Committee has indeed neglected much of the Party School's work. I have a suggestion for you: you, along with Comrades Chen Tanqiu and Deng Hetong, will serve as members of the Party School's Standing Committee. You will serve as Director, with full responsibility for the Party School's affairs. Although we held the Ninth National Congress and unified our thinking, there have been so many new things in recent years. With the emergence of so many different economic entities under different ownership, and the free market for agricultural and sideline products in rural areas, the socialist economic system is undergoing changes. Our cadres must relearn these things."

"You've personally experienced and participated in some of these things. After the Party School's reorganization, you must find time every week to give lectures there. Talk about the current contradictions in Chinese society, the theory of socialist stage development, and how to deal with the various contradictions in the primary stage of socialism. We should also establish an international studies department to broaden the international perspectives of our cadres."

The Chairman gave a detailed introduction to some issues concerning the Party School.

After arriving in Yan'an, Chairman Mao attached great importance to the training of Party members and cadres. Therefore, whether at the Central Party School or at the Anti-Japanese Military and Political University in Yan'an, Chairman Mao personally taught classes. Until the founding of the People's Republic of China, the Party School remained under the direct leadership of Chairman Mao.

Therefore, the Chairman introduced to Wei Hongjun in detail the experience of building the Central Party School.

Although Wei Hongjun had experience running schools, the Central Party School was completely different from any other school he had run. It was a school for training senior Party cadres and for explaining and conveying the spirit of the Central Committee's policies to them.

So while Wei Hongjun took notes on the Chairman's experience, he also asked some questions. The Chairman gave Wei Hongjun detailed explanations of his questions. Regarding the Party School, the Chairman spoke for over half an hour.

It was not until Tianjiaying came over twice to remind the Chairman that there were still arrangements that the Chairman stopped talking with Wei Hongjun.

After the meeting, Wei Hongjun left.

I already have a rough idea in my mind.

After returning, I first exchanged views with Chen Tanqiu, the head of the Organization Department, and Deng He, the secretary of the Cultural and Educational Work Committee, and gained their agreement and support. Then, I convened a Secretariat meeting, where it was officially decided that the Central Party School would be directly under the Secretariat.

Wei Hongjun then began to reorganize the Central Party School.

Wei Hongjun, Chen Tanqiu, and Deng He served as members of the Party School's Standing Committee, with Wei Hongjun serving as its chairman. They were fully responsible for the Party School's reorganization and curriculum.

Chen Tanqiu, Minister of Organization, serves as President and Party Secretary of the Central Party School. Six people, including Wang Jiaxiang, Minister of External Liaison, Ma Mingfang, Deputy Minister of Organization, Duan Chengwei, Deputy Minister of Propaganda, Yang Xianzhen, former President of the Party School, Zhao Dezun, Deputy Minister of Rural Work, and Song Shaowen, member of the Finance and Economics Work Committee and Deputy Director of the State Planning Commission, serve as Vice Presidents of the Party School.

The appointment of so many high-ranking officials as vice presidents was intended to strengthen the Party School's leadership and facilitate the curriculum. Wei Hongjun wanted to assign them to specific areas and ensure the completion of the Central Party School's curriculum as quickly as possible. In particular, they were required to quickly develop the Party School textbooks Wei Hongjun desired and to find sufficient cadres to teach at the Party School.

This is the Central Party School, training senior Party cadres. Simply teaching theoretical knowledge is of little use; participation in policy research is crucial. These senior cadres already possess sufficient experience and a solid theoretical foundation. Simply presenting theory won't satisfy them. The Central Party School requires interaction between teachers and students, and teachers must possess not only theoretical knowledge but also practical work experience, making such a challenge.

This will definitely require the transfer of some cadres from various ministries and commissions to join the Party School. With these people as vice presidents, it will be much easier to coordinate with these ministries and commissions to transfer some cadres.

Yang Xianzhen is still responsible for the daily work of the Party School.

Wei Hongjun attended two-year, one-year and half-year short-term training courses at the Party School.

At the same time, there are advanced training courses for senior cadres, advanced training courses for young and middle-aged cadres, training courses for young cadres, and training courses for ethnic cadres. Of course, at this stage, the courses for young and middle-aged cadres and the training courses for young cadres cannot be started immediately.

Because the Organization Department needs to conduct an assessment first. The Organization Department needs to determine what kind of young and middle-aged cadres the Party School wants to recruit.

While reorganizing the Central Party School, Wei Hongjun, in accordance with the Chairman's instructions, proposed the rotation of local leaders.

The Secretariat suggested that Comrade Zeng Xisheng be promoted to the central government as Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Rural Work, Comrade Tan Qilong be appointed First Secretary of the Fujian Provincial Party Committee, Comrade Liu Shude be appointed First Secretary of the Sichuan Provincial Party Committee, and Comrade Li Jingquan be appointed First Secretary of the Shandong Provincial Party Committee.

Then the Secretariat recommended Comrade Song Yuhe, Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Construction, to go to Anhui to serve as the First Secretary of the Anhui Provincial Party Committee.

The Political Bureau reviewed the Secretariat's report and approved its recommendations. While cadre transfers have been frequent since the founding of the People's Republic of China, this was the first time such rotations were carried out with a specific purpose.

Many people at the central and local levels were quite surprised.

After all, the simultaneous transfer of four provincial Party committee leaders had already begun to swirl around the central government regarding the term limits for top Party, government, and military leaders. The Chairman had been discussing this issue with key Party leaders, including some local Party, government, and military leaders when they came to Beijing to report on their work. So, naturally, the rumors spread.

Of course, this was also the Chairman's deliberate attempt to test everyone's opinions within the party.

After this adjustment, many people immediately understood that the rumors circulating from the central government were true. The central government was truly considering and deliberating on the term limits for the top leaders of the Party, government, and military. Amidst this chaotic process, the Second Session of the Ninth Central Committee officially began.

1036 The Second Session of the Ninth Central Committee

On February 1958, 2, the Second Session of the Ninth Central Committee officially began.

As the head of the presidium of the conference, Wei Hongjun was the first to go on stage and deliver the opening speech.

After delivering the opening remarks, Wei Hongjun, as First Secretary of the Secretariat, delivered a report to the Central Committee on behalf of the Politburo and the Secretariat, primarily reporting on the work of the Politburo and the Secretariat that year.

This was the first time that Wei Hongjun made a report to the Central Committee on behalf of the Politburo.

In the past, if it wasn't the Chairman who delivered the Politburo report, it was Comrade Xiu Yang. Wei Hongjun was the third person in the 14 years since the Seventh National Congress of the Communist Party of China to deliver a report on behalf of the Politburo. Even when Comrade Ren Peiguo was in office, he never delivered a report on behalf of the Politburo.

The Politburo report mainly talks about the decisions made by the Politburo in the past year.

Explain to the Central Committee why the Politburo made these decisions. Then, Wei Hongjun reported on the Politburo's recent adjustments to local leadership. The four provincial Party secretaries involved were all members of the Central Committee at the Ninth National Congress and therefore attended the Second Session of the Ninth Central Committee.

Wei Hongjun, on behalf of the Political Bureau, drafted the "Draft Regulations on the Appointment of Party and Government Leading Cadres."

This is different from the "Draft Regulations on the Appointment of Leading Party and Government Cadres" proposed by the Secretariat. The "Draft Regulations on the Appointment of Leading Party and Government Cadres" mainly focus on some restrictions on top party and government leaders, such as the length of service and the introduction of the issue of appointment in different places.

Because at this stage, the top leaders of the party and government mainly involve cadres at the provincial level.

That is why Wei Hongjun made the report on behalf of the Politburo.

In this report, the Central Committee publicly proposed for the first time that the term of office of the top party and government leaders in local government should not exceed two terms, that is, ten years. At the same time, local government officials should gradually complete their tenure in other places.

This is just the most basic "draft for office".

Only the general idea was presented; the specific details were not yet finalized. However, after Wei Hongjun made his public report at the Second Session of the Ninth Central Committee, the Party would understand the Central Committee's intentions and could begin to make adjustments in this regard.

After Wei Hongjun finished his report, Comrade Xiu Yang presented a report on the draft amendment to the retirement system. With the successful convening of the Second National People's Congress in 1957, the retirement system had taken its first successful step.

However, the retirement system established at the Eighth National Congress was not entirely perfect. This time, there was considerable disagreement regarding the retirement of pro-democracy figures. The original retirement system also had numerous loopholes regarding age requirements.

Therefore, after the Second National People's Congress, Comrade Xiuyang further improved the "retirement system".

After delivering the "Draft Report on the Retirement System Amendment," Comrade Xiuyang then presented the "Draft Report on the Nature and Economic Status of Various Types of Industrial and Commercial Ownership." At the Ninth National Congress, the Chairman affirmed that various types of ownership would exist in the primary stage of socialism. He also explicitly stated that as long as enterprises of all ownership types resolutely obeyed the laws and regulations of New China, adhered to the factory distribution system of New China, and integrated into the socialist economic system, they would be considered integral parts of the socialist economic system.

But the Chairman only made this political conclusion.

Now, based on the Chairman's conclusion, we need to further clarify the specific status of these economic entities with different ownership structures. The Chairman's conclusion was a broad statement, while Comrade Xiuyang has put forward specific conclusions this time.