Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

In other words, China's First Five-Year Plan, Second Five-Year Plan, and Third Five-Year Plan were never meant to be seamless, so they had to be adjusted annually based on changes. Because China is such a large country, many unexpected events occur every year.

Any major change will directly affect the adjustment of national plans.

Furthermore, this two-month meeting also discussed a new layout for industrial development. In his political report at the Ninth National Congress, the Chairman declared that central and local governments should develop together and that local governments should be given a certain amount of power. However, the exact amount of power to be given to local governments is not a simple matter. The central government must decentralize some enterprises to local governments, but it is concerned that this will affect the overall development of the national industry.

Wei Hongjun also participated in several adjustment meetings for the "Second Five-Year Plan".

Of course, Wei Hongjun isn't currently in charge of finance, so his main purpose at the meeting was to review the work and offer suggestions. Wei Hongjun suggested that even after delegating some industrial construction projects to local governments, local industrial investment should be limited. Local governments must absolutely not be allowed to blindly increase industrial investment after securing industrial projects. Even if it weren't blind investment, once industrial projects were delegated to local governments, national industrial investment would inevitably increase significantly.

Wei Hongjun's point is that industrial investment should be limited according to each province's fiscal situation. A certain percentage should be set, meaning that each province's industrial investment must remain within a certain proportion of fiscal revenue. The central government should strictly regulate this ratio.

For the current local provinces, we need to delegate certain powers, but we also need to impose restrictions on them. The specific proportion of fiscal revenue to be invested in industrial development needs to be discussed between the Finance and Economics Working Committee and local governments.

Wei Hongjun will not participate in the specific work.

However, Wei Hongjun demanded at the meeting that the "Second Five-Year Plan" increase investment in electronic information.

Again.

In the mechanical industry, it takes time and effort to persevere, requiring decades of experience for China to accumulate. Just like the oil industry, even if China now invests all its limited resources in the oil industry, it will not be able to catch up with the technology of Europe, the United States, and the Soviet Union in a short period of time.

But some emerging technologies are different.

Just like in the electronic information field.

Although there is still a gap, China can concentrate its efforts to catch up.

More importantly, China needed computer technology. The military needed it, industry needed it for development, government research needed it, and scientific research needed it even more. All the computers China had were imported from the Soviet Union, and every department was vying for them.

However, compared to the current bulky computers, a computer revolution will soon take place in the United States.

Especially in the sixties.

With the breakthrough of transistor computer technology, the United States assembled 1965 computers in 2.3. You can imagine how fast the development of computer technology in the United States was at that time.

The Soviet Union began copying IBM computers in 1965 and officially abandoned the development of vacuum tube computers in 1969. It can be said that throughout the s and s, the Soviet Union lagged far behind the United States in computer technology.

Wei Hongjun did not expect China to surpass the United States in computer technology all of a sudden.

But China can try.

Close this gap.

China is a large country, and as long as it concentrates its efforts on developing certain areas, it has the strength to do so. While attending these meetings, Wei Hongjun continued to handle the work of the Secretariat.

"Any cadre who aspires to hold a principal position must have a rigorous grassroots experience. This is especially true for the three principal levels: county-level, department-level, and provincial-ministerial. Prior to taking office, they must have served in two or more positions at the next lower level. Han Feizi said, 'Prime ministers must rise from the prefectures and departments, and powerful generals must rise from the ranks.' I completely agree with this view. Our cadres must understand and have grassroots experience to do their jobs well."

After several days of discussion with the Organization Department, Chen Tanqiu came up with a "Draft Regulations on the Appointment of Party and Government Leading Cadres."

This needs to be approved by the Secretariat.

However, such an important matter couldn't be discussed directly in the Secretariat without any preparation. Chen Tanqiu needed to discuss it with Wei Hongjun first, get Wei Hongjun's advice, and then make further revisions. At the same time, he needed Wei Hongjun's support.

Only after it is more perfect and approved by the Secretariat will it have the opportunity to be discussed in the Politburo.

Those attending the meeting included Wei Hongjun, the first secretary of the Secretariat, Chen Tanqiu, the head of the Organization Department, and six deputy heads of the Organization Department: Song Renqiong, Ma Mingfang, An Ziwen, Zhang Fusheng, Yu Zenan, and Pei Hongchang.

Wei Hongjun put forward his own views on the regulations on cadre appointments.

Wei Hongjun believes that more detailed regulations are needed for the appointment of top Party and government officials. This is because the easiest way for many officials to move up the ranks is to jump back and forth between government agencies and local governments at the right time, easily climbing the ranks.

Transferring jobs between government agencies and local governments is a good thing.

However, some people see this as a shortcut to promotion. Therefore, Wei Hongjun proposed that those seeking senior positions in Party and government agencies must have held two or more positions at the next lower level. There should also be time limits for each position.

“I think this is difficult at this stage.”

Song Renqiong, Deputy Minister of Organization, spoke up.

"For example, the central government currently has a large number of cadres of the same rank. Many of us are qualified to serve directly as county-level, district-level, or department-level leaders. The Organization Department's plan this time is to have some cadres without local experience serve in local areas, and to transfer a group of cadres from local areas to the central government. We can't just send these already-ranked cadres to local areas to meet this requirement, and instead of serving as county-level, department-level, or department-level leaders, we have to serve as deputy leaders."

“Yes, that is a problem.”

Ma Mingfang spoke.

He said, "This situation isn't limited to our central government. There are also quite a few cadres in local provincial party committees and governments who are in this situation. Many have been working in government agencies and have rarely held senior positions at the local level, or even been grassroots cadres. However, they have been involved in the revolution for quite some time, and their current ranks are not low. According to previous practices, these cadres would not only be appointed to important positions according to their own ranks, but they would even be promoted to higher positions. But if such regulations are implemented, many of them will not be qualified to serve as top leaders of the party and government, and may even have to serve as deputy leaders."

Many people are not willing to take up a position in a certain place.

After all, working at the central government, in a provincial party committee or government agency like that, is incredibly comfortable. Being close to the leadership means you can always hear the latest policies. Once you're recognized by the leadership, your career progression is rapid.

If you go somewhere, you might have to endure hardships.

But instead of being promoted to a higher rank or given important positions at their current levels, some are being demoted to deputy positions. How can they be happy? This is a practical issue.

"Revolutionary cadres must be able to move up and down."

Chen Tanqiu spoke.

"I think what Comrade Hongjun said makes a lot of sense. We don't force cadres from government agencies to take up positions at the local level, but if they don't have such experience, we'll be stuck at several important levels. Judging from the resumes of many current cadres, it's relatively difficult for us to get stuck at the county or district level. However, cadres without experience at the county or district level will be stuck at the department or bureau level. Similarly, cadres without experience at the department or bureau level will be stuck at the provincial or ministerial level."

There are so many good things out there.

Want everything.

Chen Tanqiu strongly supported Wei Hongjun's opinion. So what if you're at the county or district level in the central government? Do you have any practical work experience? Many county or district-level cadres in the central government have just started working in central government agencies, or previously worked in the North China Bureau. They've been with the central government since the founding of the People's Republic of China, and after more than a decade of work experience, they're now county or district-level cadres. They have strong theoretical skills and rich experience working in government agencies.

But do they understand the grassroots? Do they understand the vast rural areas of China? Do they even understand how China's grassroots organizations operate?

These cannot be understood just by reading the report.

Many things can only be understood more clearly by personally handling and experiencing them. These cadres should either go to the local level, first serving as deputy county or district officials, and then as county or district officials. Only then can they later assume directorate-level positions.

Otherwise, don't even think about holding a director-level position in the future.

This also applies to current department-level officials. If they want to hold provincial or ministerial-level positions in the future and advance further, they must serve in local government positions and have served as leaders at the municipal level.

You can't have your cake and eat it too.

"It's a good saying to be able to go up and down."

Wei Hongjun said, "Revolutionary work shouldn't just focus on 'getting promoted and rich'; we must be aware of the potential for advancement and demotion. Furthermore, while serving in a local position may not be consistent with one's rank, it is a necessary process for accumulating work experience. We welcome those willing to accept the Organization Department's arrangements. For those who don't, let them continue to work diligently, and we won't discourage them. However, regarding subsequent rank adjustments, strict adherence to the Organization Department's regulations is required."

"I think what Secretary Wei said is right."

Yu Zenan spoke up in support.

"Revolution is free. Once the Organization Department has made its regulations, we welcome those cadres who are willing to accept the suggestion and go to local posts. For those cadres who do not want to go to local posts, that is their own choice, and we respect it. As long as we strictly follow the Organization Department's regulations from now on, it will be fine."

"I also think this aspect should be regulated in detail."

An Ziwen spoke.

Song Renqiong and Ma Mingfang, who had initially raised objections, did not continue to object.

Wei Hongjun continued, "There's another issue that you haven't fully addressed here. That's that before Party and government officials are promoted, in addition to public notices, they must also study. Although our Party and government have absorbed many educated people in recent years, overall, the cultural level of our Party and government officials is still relatively low. Not only is their cultural level low, but their understanding of Marxism-Leninism is even more superficial. Many cadres have not systematically studied Marxism-Leninism. Therefore, before they are promoted, they should strengthen their theoretical learning."

"Of course, in addition to the theoretical issues of Marxism-Leninism, after the founding of the People's Republic of China, various new phenomena have become increasingly numerous. Consequently, there has been an increasing number of issues to deal with. Many Party and government officials have not been able to adapt to the era of peace and development. The main reason is insufficient study. These officials have directly transitioned from wartime cadres to peacetime cadres. They must strengthen their study. This includes the politics and economics of the new era, as well as how to transform their work style in the era of peace and development. All of this requires study."

Chen Tanqiu nodded.

He said: "The lack of knowledge among party and government officials is quite obvious."

The main force of the Eighth Route Army was composed of peasants.

Their low level of education is undeniable. Song Renqiongdao said, "Learning is a good thing, but formalizing it is a major problem. Cadres should learn before being promoted, but where and what should they learn? Senior Party and government officials can easily come to the Central Party School. Or some high-ranking local officials can study at provincial Party schools. But what about grassroots cadres? Currently, Party schools in my country are not well-established. Besides Party and government officials, there are also cadres in enterprises, schools, and other sectors. How should they learn? This is a systematic project."

1033 Regulations on the Appointment of Leading Party and Government Cadres2

"That's what I'm talking about."

Wei Hongjun said, "Now there's the Central Party School, and each province has its own Party school. Meanwhile, various cadre schools preserved from the war years still exist in various forms. Some cadre schools have been incorporated into new universities, like Renmin University of China, but these schools still maintain their function of training cadres. The Organization Department needs to take a look at these schools to see how many can participate in cadre training."

"Our Party and government officials should not only attach importance to practice and work experience, but also need to learn more. Only by combining learning with practice can our officials continuously improve. Our Party and government officials should walk on two legs: on the one hand, they should participate in frontline work, understand the real situation, and accumulate work experience; on the other hand, they should learn the latest knowledge and learn more about economic development in school. It is necessary to combine theory with practice."

"So my suggestion is that the Organization Department must strengthen the development of Party schools nationwide, as well as some cadre schools. It should standardize the textbooks for key courses at these schools and specify required courses. In addition to managing these schools, it should also establish cooperative agreements with universities to allow them to participate in the training of Party and government leaders. The curriculum should include the study of Marxist-Leninist theory, as well as international studies, economics, history, law, construction, and other areas. Cadres in different fields, like Party and government leaders, business leaders, and school leaders, require different knowledge, so their studies should focus on specific areas."

"In addition to training senior cadres, our Central Party School should also attach importance to training young and middle-aged cadres, outstanding young cadres, and systematically train cadres from ethnic minorities."

Again, party and government leading cadres must strengthen their studies.

Although the central government has been calling on party and government officials to study, this is not a simple matter.

Objectively speaking, everyone is very busy with work, leaving very little free time. Many grassroots cadres not only have to deal with daily tasks but also participate in production labor. How can they find time to read and study?

People are lazy.

With so much work to do and so little time to spare, and the age of these Party and government officials, it's not easy for them to study quietly. Objectively, they've already missed the prime of their education and can't study on campus like other students.

From a subjective perspective, many cadres don't see the point of studying. Back when the war was underway, they didn't study as hard; many had just emerged from illiteracy. They hadn't won battles, hadn't defeated the Kuomintang's highly educated intellectuals who had returned from overseas. Now, if they don't study, they can't be part of the revolution, can't be part of the cadre. Many cadres think this way, and subjectively, they lack the enthusiasm to learn.

Many cadres try to be perfunctory about their learning tasks.

It would be better to let them farm than to let them study.

But this won't work.

After all, after the founding of the People's Republic of China, many of the things Party and government officials have had to deal with are unprecedented. We're not fighting a war, but rather engaged in national construction. Many Party and government officials possess ideals, passion, and drive, but their only real shortfall is knowledge.

Therefore, in the early days of the founding of the People's Republic of China, there were many cases of cadres "doing good things with bad intentions".

They believed they were doing things for the benefit of the nation and the people, so they poured all their energy into construction. But the end result was a waste of national funds and the people's manpower, ultimately achieving nothing and causing a ton of trouble. Such incidents were not uncommon in the early days of the People's Republic of China. To prevent such incidents, Party and government officials need to learn more. They must understand that actions cannot be based on feelings or enthusiasm alone, and that economic development also follows certain rules.

Unless it is the reincarnation of a saint.

Otherwise, many things need to be learned, and it is impossible to know them by nature.

"We need to convey a message to Party and government officials nationwide: those who don't study will not be promoted or given important positions. Local Organization Departments should have clear regulations. Cadres who fail to complete their study tasks before promotion and whose academic performance doesn't meet the standards should not be included in the promotion candidate list. Of course, we also need to consider those cadres with weak foundations. We should gradually increase their learning tasks and give them a basic foundation. This requires the Organization Department to formulate a good plan."

Chen Tanqiu nodded.

There are two problems facing party and government officials in New China now.

The first problem is that many veteran cadres from the war years have a poor cultural foundation and must learn to adapt to the era of peace and construction. However, getting them to learn is not an easy task.

This requires the Organization Department to step in.

These cadres were told clearly that if they did not study, they would not be included in the Organization Department's candidate list for promotion. If they were unwilling to make progress, they could ignore the Organization Department's regulations.

The second issue is that many newly recruited Party members and cadres have diplomas and knowledge, but they lack frontline and grassroots experience. Furthermore, these cadres have not experienced the brutal war years, and their revolutionary resolve is questionable.

The Organization Department needs to make careful plans on how to make these two types of cadres become qualified revolutionary cadres of the new era.

"Comrade Hongjun, if we want to integrate the education provided by Party schools and cadre schools with cadre appointments, we must first prioritize the role of the Central Party School. While the current Central Party School is doing well, the central government doesn't prioritize it as much as one might imagine. Therefore, if we want to prioritize cadre learning, the first step is to prioritize the Central Party School. Only by prioritizing the role of the Central Party School at the central level can we ensure that everyone, from top to bottom, prioritizes Party school learning and the learning of Party and government cadres."

Song Renqiong spoke.

Song Renqiong had extensive experience, having been a member of the Communist Party of China during the 1926 Revolution and participating in the Autumn Harvest Uprising. He was an alternate member of the Central Committee at the Seventh National Congress. After being promoted to the Central Committee following the founding of the People's Republic of China, he initially served as Deputy Minister of the General Political Department and participated in the assessment of military ranks in the People's Republic of China. After the assessment, his main work shifted to the Organization Department of the Central Committee. He was again a member of the Central Committee at the Ninth National Congress.