Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji
Page 861
At the Secretariat meeting, Wei Hongjun raised Guo Yingqiu's request.
After Wei Hongjun's investigation, he realized he couldn't ignore this matter. His conscience couldn't ignore it, and neither could the Party's history.
Because so many cadres were implicated. Some were not even involved in the "Huxi Suppression of Trotskyists" campaign at all, but later joined the Eighth Route Army and participated in the revolution. However, simply because they came from the Huxi Anti-Japanese Base Area, they were investigated. Huxi is not a small area; thousands of cadres have left it since the Anti-Japanese War. Most of them were investigated for historical issues related to the "Huxi Suppression of Trotskyists," which shows the detrimental impact the campaign had on everyone.
Moreover, as long as this problem is not solved, the number of cadres affected will increase.
Of course, Wei Hongjun was more concerned about the fact that the number of "Trotskyists" within the Party was far greater than he had imagined. The "Huxi Suppression of Trotskyists" campaign was so well-known that it drew much attention there. However, many other bases, influenced by Wang Ming and Kang Sheng's "Suppression of Trotskyists," also identified a significant number of "Trotskyists." Their numbers were small, and they were limited to identifying "Trotskyists," not to the wholesale killings of those involved in the "Purge of Counterrevolutionaries." Therefore, their impact was modest. But when all these individuals are added together, the number is staggering.
There are also China's "Trotskyists", many of whom were once leaders of the party.
Therefore, in order to increase their influence, they wrote letters to many party cadres. As a result, anyone who had contact with these former leaders was also identified as a "Trotskyist" by Wang Ming and Bo Gu.
Wei Hongjun must be held responsible for the history of these party cadres.
The "Huxi Suppression of Trotskyists" is a typical example. Only by solving the problem of "Huxi Suppression of Trotskyists" can the problem of "Trotskyists" within the Party be solved.
Chen Tanqiu, the Organization Department's head, was the first to voice his opinion. Having spent so many years in Party affairs, he knew the problem from the first glance at the documentation. If you don't address the fundamental issue, no matter how many directives the central government issues, it won't resolve the problem.
The fundamental problem is the conclusion reached by the Shandong Branch twenty years ago.
The secretary of the Shandong branch at that time was Guo Hongtao.
Under Guo Hongtao's leadership, the person who made the final decision on the "Huxi Trotskyist Suppression" campaign was Major General Liu Juying, head of the Social Affairs Department of the Shandong Branch. He treated Bai Ziming's report almost as an investigative report, not even investigating the victims' circumstances, and issued a perfunctory verdict. So much so that officials from the Shandong Branch who came to investigate expressed the view that after such a long period of time, if they hadn't apprehended a few "Trotskyists," how could they be worthy of the Huxi Party and the people of Huxi?
It can be seen how ridiculous the conclusion at that time was.
Alternatively, the Shandong Branch had never considered Bai Ziming's "suppression of traitors" to be wrong. Had it not been for General Luo's insistence, the Shandong Branch might not have taken any action. Because of the serious situation in Huxi, lower-level officials reported it to General Luo of the 115th Division and also to the Shandong Branch. Consequently, the Shandong Branch remained largely inactive. It was only due to General Luo's unwavering stance that key Shandong Branch officials followed him to Huxi.
Liu Juying investigated the cadres of the Shandong Branch with such an attitude, and the final result of the investigation was that the problems were serious.
Despite the lack of evidence at the time, seven "Trotskyist" members were forcibly identified in Huxi. Wang Hongming, one of the main culprits who caused the "Huxi Trotskyist Suppression" to spiral out of control, was deemed in the report to have "correct subjective motives," but was "politically immature, lacking organizational awareness, and insufficiently firm political stance." Another culprit, Bai Ziming, was given a "serious warning and administrative dismissal."
However, in order to maintain the stability of the Huxi Anti-Japanese Base Area, the Shandong Branch asked Bai Ziming to continue to serve as the district party secretary and deal with the aftermath of the "Huxi Suppression of Counter-Terrorism". Bai Ziming was the main driving force behind the "Huxi Suppression of Counter-Terrorism". How could he deal with the aftermath if you asked him to do so?
Then, those comrades who were forced to confess under torture were regarded as "without integrity, surrendering themselves and betraying the party", and "losing their loyal personality to the party". Depending on the circumstances, they were given punishments such as "permanent expulsion from the party", "expulsion from the party", "serious warning", and "warning".
It was not until the Central Committee inquired about this that the Shandong Branch revoked Bai Ziming's position as district party secretary and sent Comrade Pan Fusheng to Huxi as party secretary. As a result, when Pan Fusheng implemented the Shandong Branch's handling opinions, he imposed even more severe penalties on cadres who were tortured into confessing during the "suppression of traitors", and the scope of the crackdown was also very wide, and almost no cadre involved was spared. Among these cadres, more than ten were "permanently expelled from the party" and hundreds were "expelled from the party". Some cadres even persisted during the "suppression of traitors", but after hearing the punishment from the Shandong Branch, they chose to commit suicide.
It can be said that while Commander Luo stopped the mass killings during the "Huxi Suppression of Counterrevolutionaries," he failed to truly resolve the issue. If the "Huxi Suppression of Counterrevolutionaries" physically killed Party members and cadres in Huxi, then the subsequent series of actions by the Shandong Branch killed them spiritually. How many outstanding Party members and cadres were first physically attacked, then emotionally attacked, and ultimately took their own lives.
Later, during the "Huxi Purge of Troops," Luo Shuai was the only one among so many cadres to reflect on his mistakes. This was because Wang Hongming, a veteran Red Army member involved in the "Huxi Purge of Troops," had been Luo Shuai's bodyguard. Luo Shuai not only reflected on his misjudgment of the cadres but also on his slow response, which resulted in serious losses in the Huxi Anti-Japanese Base Area.
But what about the cadres of the Shandong Branch?
All disappeared.
No one has spoken about the extent of the Shandong branch's responsibility for this incident. Although they did conduct a self-criticism under pressure, they have always cited other reasons and have not acknowledged their own mistakes.
Of course, the cadres in Huxi did not sit idly by.
Many people began writing letters to the Central Committee and the Shandong Branch, demanding changes to the situation. However, it wasn't until the Seventh National Congress that the Central Committee intervened and reached a new conclusion. After Luo Shuai took control of Shandong's military and political affairs, he overturned many of the previous disciplinary actions taken by the Shandong Branch.
But it only solves the surface problem.
Because the central government's conclusion was still based on the Shandong branch's characterization of the "Huxi Suppression of Supporters." That is, "suppression of supporters" was correct, but exaggeration was wrong. So Chen Tanqiu's point was very simple.
If we want to completely solve this problem, we still have to overturn the conclusion of the Shandong Branch that year.
"Comrade Chen Tanqiu, what do you think should be done?"
"The Secretariat organized an investigation team to re-investigate the issue of the 'Huxi Suppression of Trotskyism'. The main focus was on the question of the original 'Trotskyists'. How did the 'Trotskyists' emerge in the Huxi Anti-Japanese Base Area? Were there really any 'Trotskyists'? Were the seven 'Trotskyists' identified by the Shandong Branch actually 'Trotskyists'? Only by resolving this issue can the following questions be resolved."
Chen Tanqiu is not afraid of bringing up old history.
The "Huxi Suppression of Counterrevolutionaries" incident, in particular, implicated no prominent officials. Regarding the anti-counterrevolutionary campaign during the Red Army era and certain events during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, the Seventh and Eighth National Congresses had already reached a substantial conclusion. The conclusions regarding the historically exaggerated anti-counterrevolutionary campaign and certain issues during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression were wrong. However, to avoid internal disputes, the Central Committee only provided a general conclusion on historical events, and did not have time to fully address specific issues.
To put it bluntly, many issues during the war years involved policy issues. These weren't issues involving one or two cadres, but rather issues concerning the entire policy line, so they couldn't be delved into. Some mistakes were redressed and corrected, but the specific individuals responsible were not held accountable.
This is the central government’s current tone on historical events.
Therefore, Chen Tanqiu was not afraid.
Since Guo Yingqiu has already found the Secretariat, the issue should be resolved.
"Comrade Tan Zhenlin, what do you think?"
After Chen Tanqiu finished speaking, Wei Hongjun looked at Tan Zhenlin.
"I support Comrade Chen Tanqiu's opinion. Whatever it is, send someone to investigate. Although I wasn't in Shandong at the time, I had heard about the 'Huxi Trotskyist Suppression' incident. What a bullshit 'Trotsky Organization'! How many people in our party have even heard of 'Trotsky's' name? Who has read 'Trotsky's' writings? I still don't understand what the 'Trotskyist line' is. Twenty years ago, there were already so many 'Trotskyists' in our party? This is nonsense."
Tan Zhenlin got angry when he said this.
He NN.
A group of scholars went to the Soviet Union to read a few books and came back to carry out various "anti-counterrevolutionary" campaigns during the Red Army era. During the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, what about the "anti-Tuotai" campaign? If it weren't for the discipline, Tan Zhenlin would have wanted to shoot some of them.
Tan Zhenlin scoffed at the so-called "Trotskyists".
what the hell.
How many people in the Party today, let alone during the Anti-Japanese War, know what the "Trotsky Line" is? They only know that the "Trotskyites" were the targets of the previous "Trotskyist" campaign, but how many people know what "Trotsky" specifically said, what his views were, and what articles he wrote? Only those theorists within the Party who study theory can clearly understand what the "Trotsky Line" is.
Perhaps in other words, if it weren't for the "purge of Trotsky" within the party, no one would have heard of the name "Trotsky".
And they even created a "Trotsky organization"?
What a joke.
If you're talking about the anti-counterrevolutionary movement during the Red Army era, then at least there's some basis for it. There were indeed Kuomintang spies within the Red Army during the era of the purge of counterrevolutionaries. But if you were to suggest there was an organized "Trotskyist faction" within the Party, how could he possibly believe it?
Tan Zhenlin did not hide his anger at all, so he swore at will.
"Comrade Zhao Zhensheng, what's your opinion?"
The one above represents the Organization Department, and the other represents the Central Supervisory Committee.
Now Wei Hongjun wants to hear the opinions of the Political and Legal Affairs Commission.
"We should check."
Zhao Zhensheng nodded.
"Secretary Wei, I've carefully reviewed the list of cadres affected by the 'Huxi Suppression of Tuotuo' operation. There are dozens of cadres above administrative level 13. With so many cadres affected, the impact is significant. Our Organization Departments at all levels of the Party Committees are helpless. You have to investigate thoroughly, but repeated investigations not only waste the Organization Department's manpower and resources, but also cause repeated harm to our comrades."
"What do other comrades think?"
Several leaders of the ministries involved supported it, and no one else had any objections.
Wei Hongjun nodded and said, "That's settled. My suggestion is that the Organization Department take the lead, and the Supervisory Commission, the Political and Legal Affairs Commission, the General Political Department, and the Letters and Calls Bureau will send cadres to form an investigation team. Comrade Chen Tanqiu, who should be the leader of this investigation team?"
"Comrade Ma Mingfang."
"Row."
Wei Hongjun nodded.
Ma Mingfang was also a cadre who came from the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Revolution. He served as the deputy minister of the Organization Department for many years and held a very high position in the department.
"What about other departments?"
"Comrade Wang Congwu."
Tan Zhenlin spoke first.
Wang Congwu, formerly the political commissar of the Ji'nan Military Region, deputy director and then director of the Organization Department of the North China Bureau, and now a member of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, would have been in this position if Luo Qirong had not been promoted to the central government to serve as deputy secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection.
"Comrade Wang Jinxiang."
Zhao Zhensheng proposed Wang Jinxiang, Deputy Minister of Public Security.
Tan Zheng said, "Comrade Liu Zhijian."
Wei Hongjun looked at Xia Houwen, who said, "This is the first time our petition office has participated in something like this. I'll do it."
"it is good."
Wei Hongjun nodded and said, "Then Comrade Ma Mingfang will be the team leader, and the others will be deputy team leaders. Quickly assign cadres to form an investigation team and thoroughly investigate this matter from beginning to end."
After the meeting, Wei Hongjun handed the meeting report to the chairman.
The Secretariat can take the lead in restarting this investigation, but it must also obtain the support of the Chairman and others.
The chairman looked through the minutes of the meeting.
When he saw Tan Zhenlin, he smiled and said, "Boss Tan's temper hasn't changed."
After reading it all, the Chairman said, "I understand the Secretariat's opinion. Does our party have 'Trotskyists'? Of course we do. But our party's 'Trotskyists' were Chen Duxiu, Liu Renjing, and others. How could ordinary Party members understand what 'Trotskyists' are? I'd say the cadres who were 'suppressed' by Trotskyists were more like 'Trotskyists.' During the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, certain 'suppression of Trotskyists' occurred in various places, but the 'Huxi Suppression of Trotskyists' had the greatest impact and was the most destructive. The Secretariat should take overall responsibility for this issue, and let the Organization Department and the Letters and Calls Bureau take the lead in handling it. Don't delve into the causes and the specific cadres involved. The main thing is to give the victims an explanation and a political conclusion."
As for "opposing Trotsky," the Chairman had supported it before. But after so many years, the Chairman now has a deeper understanding of "Trotskyism."
Those who could become "Trotskyists" were those who had a solid theoretical foundation. For example, Chen Duxiu, Liu Renjing, and those who had returned from studying in the Soviet Union were the ones who could become "Trotskyists" because they were able to understand Trotsky's "theory of continuing the revolution."
If you say that the party members and cadres of the Eighth Route Army have a "Trotskyist organization", the Chairman does not believe it.
Wang Ming and Kang Sheng, who were among those who wanted to purge the "Trotskyists" in China, were all Soviet returnees. They were even more radical than the so-called "Trotskyists." They criticized the "Trotskyists" as "leftist," but their actions were even more "leftist."
Wei Hongjun said, "Chairman, regarding the Trotskyist issue in our country, shouldn't the Central Committee come to a conclusion and formally end the years of debate in our Party on the Trotskyist issue? To be honest, during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, I had only heard of Trotsky and didn't even know what he did. Many people in the Party at the time were in the same state of ignorance and had no idea what the 'Trotskyist line' was."
"Some cadres returned from the Soviet Union and, seeing the ongoing 'Trotskyist' campaign in the USSR, wanted to carry out this campaign within our Party as well. Trotsky was a former leader of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Soviet Red Army, so it's certain that he had many supporters within the USSR. However, within our Party and in the military, cadres were largely unaware of Trotsky. Under these circumstances, the 'Trotskyist' campaign within our Party was ineffective. Instead, it affected the stability and development of many base areas."
"Before I came here, I specifically looked through some old files. I discovered that during the Anti-Japanese War, many cadres were labeled 'Trotskyists' because of the 'Suppression of Trotskyism' campaign. It wasn't as serious as the 'Suppression of Trotskyism in Huxi', but their situation was no better than that of the Huxi cadres. They were actually labeled 'Trotskyists'. Chairman, although such cadres may not seem numerous, their number is actually astonishing. There are tens of thousands of cadres in the Party implicated in the 'Trotskyist' issue. It's useless to just solve the 'Suppression of Trotskyism in Huxi' issue."
"This matter still requires the Chairman and the Central Committee to come forward and make a conclusion. Therefore, I think the Chairman should sort out the historical issues of our party's 'Trotskyism', clearly write down the ins and outs, and finally make a formal conclusion."
The chairman nodded slightly.
With the successful convening of the Ninth National Congress, the Chairman began to give more consideration to matters such as history, the international situation, the international communist movement, and communist theory. Some historical issues deserve a conclusion.
This is the problem with the "Trotskyists" in the Party.
Now, with the passage of time, the Chairman has come to his own conclusions. There are "Trotskyists" within the Party, but they are not the cadres who were historically targeted in the "Trotskyist" purges. Those cadres who were labeled "Trotskyists" during the historical "Trotskyist" purges were generally not true "Trotskyists."
Even if there are one or two real "Trotskyists", there is no need to hold on to them after so much time has passed.
This is what the Chairman is thinking now.
So the Chairman thought for a while and said, "Trotskyism: Please tell Comrade Chen Boda a message. After the investigation of this 'Huxi Suppression of Trotskyism' incident is complete, have him write a report on the 'Trotskyist issue'. The Secretariat will review it first and then hand it over to me. After I revise it, I will submit it to the Politburo. This issue deserves a historical conclusion."
After dealing with these matters, Wei Hongjun was still busy preparing for the ninth anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1957.
Although it wasn't a grand event, the necessary procedures were still in place. For example, if a central leader wanted to give a speech, the draft needed to be reviewed by the Secretariat. While Wei Hongjun was busy with the May Day holiday, Charles de Gaulle officially responded.
Charles de Gaulle and his delegation were to visit China on May 1957, 5.
1016 Reception of Charles de Gaulle
China and de Gaulle finally reached an agreement.
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