Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

On the very day the Politburo Standing Committee decided to establish the Central Special Committee, the Premier presided over its first meeting in the West Flower Hall of Zhongnanhai. Such is the Premier's character: he would never procrastinate on his work.

If you want to work with the Prime Minister, you must adapt to the Prime Minister’s working habits and rhythm.

At the first meeting of the Central Special Committee, it was decided to set up a Special Committee Office.

After all, the standing committee members and members of the Central Special Committee all have their own duties and can't devote all their energy to this, nor can they come to the Special Committee specifically to work. Therefore, there must be a department that can communicate with the top and bottom and handle the daily work of the Special Committee.

Yang Quanwu, deputy director of the Scientific Work Committee and director of the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense, also serves as director of the special committee office. Zhao Lu, deputy director of the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense and director of the Commission of National Defense Industry, also serves as executive deputy director. The two people are in charge of the daily work of the special committee.

The Prime Minister was hesitant to appoint Yang Quanwu as the director of the special committee office.

Yang Quanwu was impulsive, yet respectful of intellectuals, maintaining a close relationship with the scientific researchers at the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense. He also possessed a strategic vision, unconcerned with petty gains, and a resolute approach to his work. This contributed to his remarkable achievements at the Commission in recent years. However, Yang Quanwu suffered from a temper, often unable to contain his disapproval. His desire to engage with so many ministries and commissions was a drawback.

But Yang Quanwu was the overall person in charge of the development of the "two bombs".

Even if a central special committee was established, it would be impossible to bypass Yang Quanwu. Therefore, after appointing Yang Quanwu as the director of the special committee office, the prime minister gave it much thought to the candidate for executive deputy director.

Zhao Lu, Huang Kecheng and Zhang Aiping are all the main candidates for the position of executive deputy director.

Ultimately, the Premier considered collaborating with Yang Quanwu and singled out Zhao Lu. Both men were from the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei region and had collaborated extensively since the establishment of the Nuclear Industry Commission. Zhao Lu and Yang Quanwu had their share of daily scuffles, but Zhao Lu's calm and attentive nature made him well-suited to assisting Yang Quanwu in identifying and addressing shortcomings. Huang Kecheng and Zhang Aiping, while both capable, also had hot tempers. If they had worked alongside Yang Quanwu, they might have come to blows.

With the establishment of the Central Special Committee, the tasks that Yang Quanwu, Zhao Lu, and their colleagues had to handle were no longer limited to the Ministry of Nuclear Industry. In other words, the Ministry of Nuclear Industry, once the primary department leading the "two bombs" project, had seen its status significantly decline.

Therefore, Yang Quanwu is no longer the Minister of the Ministry of Nuclear Industry, and Zhao Lu is no longer the First Vice Minister of the Ministry of Nuclear Industry. In addition, Han Wei, the Second Vice Minister of the Ministry of Nuclear Industry, was promoted to Deputy Director of the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense.

So Liu Jie, the third deputy minister of the Ministry of Nuclear Industry, was appointed as the Minister of the Ministry of Nuclear Industry.

In addition to a director and an executive deputy director, the special committee office also has four deputy directors: Huang Kecheng, Secretary-General of the Central Military Commission; Zhang Aiping, Deputy Director and Director of the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense; Zheng Hantao, Secretary-General of the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense; and Xue Muqiao, Deputy Director of the State Council Planning Commission.

The Premier established the Special Committee Office first because he wanted to get the Central Special Committee up and running. Therefore, he required the Special Committee Office to staff its own staff and then submit a report to the Special Committee Standing Committee.

Two days later, the Premier presided over the second meeting of the Central Special Committee.

At this meeting, the powers of the Central Special Committee and the working regulations of the Central Special Committee Office were formally determined. In fact, it clarified how the Central Special Committee operates, what powers the Central Special Committee has, and what matters the Central Special Committee Office handles on a daily basis.

First, define the powers of these departments.

Then we discussed the issue of the "two bombs".

Currently, both atomic bombs and missiles are developing well. Especially since cooperation with the Soviet Union, missile replication has progressed rapidly. The missile factories, test bases, research institutes, and academies established with Soviet assistance are all progressing smoothly. However, China's current economic situation makes it impossible to advance both bomb and missile development simultaneously.

The funds invested must always have a focus.

At this meeting, the strategic thinking of "grasping the atomic bomb first" was clearly established. Everyone agreed that the top priority was to "explode" first, so that the world would hear. Therefore, more resources should be allocated to the atomic bomb.

At the same time, the time for the atomic bomb explosion was clearly proposed for the first time at this meeting: before May 1959, 5, which was the 1th anniversary of the founding of New China.

Now that the goal has been determined.

All that remained was how to accomplish the task. The Central Special Committee was the highest-ranking and most authoritative engineering command post since the founding of the People's Republic of China. This was because the leadership consisted of three members of the Politburo Standing Committee, four members of the Politburo, two alternate members of the Politburo, and all the key industrial ministries and commissions of the State Council participated.

In order to improve efficiency, the central government has given the central special committee very great power.

The Central Special Committee always made decisions on the spot. For example, if the atomic bomb project needed support, the Central Special Committee would decide which ministry or commission would provide it.

Give you orders directly at the meeting.

There's no need for haggling; just ask whether you can complete it. Furthermore, for the atomic bomb explosion, the minister in charge is directly responsible for any requirements issued by the Central Special Committee. The Central Special Committee is watching you complete the task.

Qian Xuesen once recalled the history of the Central Special Committee, saying: "When the Central Special Committee decided which unit to do something, there was no room for doubt. The decision was also very simple: at a certain meeting of the Central Special Committee, it would decide what your unit should do and when to complete it. Any difficulties or problems could be raised on the spot. The Central Special Committee would help if it could, while some difficulties would need to be overcome by the ministries and commissions themselves. Sometimes the Central Special Committee would even issue an order without saying why, but would directly tell the ministries and commissions what tasks to complete. That was the order! The comrades of the Central Special Committee would take it, call the leaders, and once the order was read out, they had to follow it! A lot of collaboration was done this way."

This is what it means to concentrate resources to accomplish major tasks.

When the Central Standing Committee decided to fully support the atomic bomb project, the resources mobilized were beyond the imagination of ordinary people. Not to mention the ministries and commissions of the State Council, local provinces and municipalities were required to cooperate unconditionally.

This level of support was simply not something that the previous Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense and the Ministry of Nuclear Industry could mobilize.

Even after the establishment of the Central Special Committee, the forces mobilized far exceeded the support that Yang Quanwu, Zhao Lu, Zhang Aiping, and Han Wei had initially hoped for. For the issues previously raised by the Ministry of Nuclear Industry that needed to be resolved, solutions were provided one by one at the meeting.

At the second meeting, the Central Special Committee decided to transfer 1300 outstanding talents from various departments to join the atomic bomb project within one month, and to equip the Ministry of Nuclear Industry with more than 1400 instruments and equipment needed.

If it is not possible to fully equip the country at present, then it can be imported from European countries.

Whatever the "Atomic Bomb Project" needs, the Central Special Committee can provide it. If you need people, you have them; if you need money, you have money; if you need machinery, you have machinery.

Five days later, the Central Special Committee held its third meeting.

This meeting formulated the "Two-Year Atomic Bomb Plan."

Further improve the atomic bomb program. All previously handled matters were reorganized. The various ministries and research institutes that received the order have recently raised their difficulties.

The Central Special Committee helped them solve their problems.

At the third meeting, the Premier put forward four key points, totaling 16 words. They were: "Seek truth from facts, proceed step by step, persevere, and guard against arrogance and impatience" in the production and construction of the atomic energy industry and the research and testing of atomic weapons. In our work, we must act in accordance with objective laws. Seeking truth from facts is both a method of thinking and a guiding principle. While we must understand objective laws, we must not be afraid of failure. In scientific experiments, success is sometimes achieved only through failure, even repeated attempts. We must proceed step by step; attempting to skip stages is not an option. We must also persevere. Relying on sudden breakthroughs is not the way to achieve anything; they should only be pursued when there is a reasonable degree of possibility. Whether we succeed or fail, we must guard against arrogance and impatience. While it's unhealthy to become complacent after a little success, impatience can easily lead to mistakes.

The third meeting had the most things to resolve.

The meeting started in the morning and lasted for 14 hours, ending in the early morning.

The Premier's meticulousness impressed all the officials. He even detailed the amount of money and personnel needed for small research institutes to complete their tasks, as well as how they would later coordinate with the atomic bomb development agencies.

Wei Hongjun also admires him very much.

The Prime Minister truly possesses the most powerful mind. He notices, anticipates, and manages so many minute details. He knows all about the revolutionary careers of so many cadres, many of whom are below the eighth or ninth administrative level.

No wonder the Prime Minister can be the Chairman’s best assistant.

With so many documents and so many things to do, only a cadre like the Prime Minister can help deal with them.

If this meeting was chaired by Wei Hongjun, it would have been resolved in two or three hours.

After deployment, officials and ministries are left to resolve issues on their own. However, the Premier personally addresses each issue one by one during meetings. The benefits of this approach are clear. The Premier addresses each issue or provides a solution at the meeting, and if you still can't complete it, it's your fault. With a top-tier brain like the Premier watching over you, who dares to cheat?

Of course, it's not without disadvantages.

The downside was that many frontline officials were tied up. The Premier had already made all the arrangements, and regardless of whether they were right or wrong, the lower-level officials had no choice but to follow the Premier's lead. Regardless, after the three meetings, China's atomic bomb program began to make significant progress.

Wei Hongjun's participation in meetings and his ability to express his views were limited. The central government's decision to allow him to participate in this special committee wasn't intended to lead it. No one was more suited to the tedious tasks of coordinating departments and pooling resources for key projects than the Premier.

The Prime Minister is energetic, careful, good-tempered, and able to effectively coordinate various departments.

Besides, although the Premier is now the Premier of the State Council, his responsibilities are becoming increasingly limited. The only responsibilities he is directly responsible for are the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference and foreign affairs. However, after the establishment of the Foreign Affairs Commission, it is not easy for the Premier to constantly monitor General Secretary Chen's work.

Therefore, being responsible for the work of the Central Special Committee is actually the most suitable person for the Prime Minister.

Wei Hongjun's main work is still in the Secretariat and the Scientific Work Committee.

"Although border regions with large ethnic minority populations have their own unique characteristics, one thing remains unchanged: border regions are also Chinese territory, the territory of socialist China. This means that these regions must also implement the socialist system. You cannot deny the implementation and development of socialism simply because their history, culture, and social structure differ from those of the Central Plains."

After the Fifth Session of the Seventh Central Committee, Wei Hongjun was forced to take on the task.

At the time, Wei Hongjun was in charge of the Secretariat, and the Central Committee needed stability. Wei Hongjun was needed to stabilize the Secretariat, which had just been affected by the Gao Gang incident, and ensure a smooth transition through the Ninth National Congress. However, after the Ninth National Congress, Wei Hongjun would begin to truly oversee the Secretariat.

Start doing things.

Wei Hongjun is no stranger to party work.

Since the Anti-Japanese War, Wei Hongjun has been in charge of party and government work.

The central Party's work is complex and all of it is constructive. There's so much to do. Wei Hongjun needs to further improve Party building, Party development, Party organization, and Party propaganda. However, these are so important and influential that they require increased communication between Wei Hongjun and the Organization and Propaganda Departments.

Therefore, Wei Hongjun's Secretariat work was first placed in the United Front Work Department.

"There were some problems with our ethnic minority policies before. Let me mention the most obvious one: the cadre schools we established in ethnic minority areas. The majority of the students came from well-off families, either ethnic minority landlords or upper-class ethnic minority aristocrats. Our Party doesn't judge revolutionaries by their background; it looks at individual revolutionary choices. However, when training ethnic minority cadres, we cannot ignore the vast grassroots masses. They are the largest in number, and we should promote and train more needed cadres from among them. This is because they are the ones who can most deeply feel the earth-shaking changes brought about by liberation. Only people who truly feel this can better understand our Party's policies and better cooperate with our Party in uniting all ethnic groups."

The problems of the United Front Work Department can be seen from many small things.

In order to stabilize minority areas, the government has established many schools, including many cadre schools, in these areas to train cadres.

The cadres mentioned here include cadres from all walks of life in the Party, government, and military. Just like the public security schools, they train future public security cadres in these areas.

So this is a very important thing.

But it is different from the Central Plains.

In the Central Plains, people valued family background, emphasizing reliance on the working class and peasantry. While ethnic minority regions didn't explicitly prioritize family background, the students in these cadre schools generally came from relatively good backgrounds. Some were from landlord families, some were from aristocrats, and some were from religious elites.

It wasn't that Wei Hongjun was making malicious speculations about them.

But given their backgrounds and the fact that they were trained as cadres on such a large scale, could you expect them to work for the welfare of the grassroots people of ethnic minorities? Wei Hongjun didn't believe it anyway.

This is where the problem lies in the overall thinking in the united front work, which only knows how to win over the upper echelons of ethnic minorities.

Now Wei Hongjun wants to change this situation.

"Secretary Wei, we will put the issue of cadre schools in ethnic minority areas on the agenda as soon as possible."

Huang Hao nodded.

Huang Hao was still very nervous when he was transferred from the Inner Mongolia Military Region to the central government to serve as deputy minister of the United Front Work Department.

After all, those who worked in the United Front Work Department in the past were all high-ranking officials, knowledgeable and educated, able to interact with intellectuals and high-ranking ethnic minorities. For example, in the North China Bureau, the person who previously worked on the United Front was mainly Wu Lanfu.

Those who are engaged in united front work in the central government are either the Premier or well-known cadres in the party such as Li Weihan and Liao Chengzhi.

And what about yourself?

Although he attended school, it was only for a few years. He rose from a grassroots cadre during the Anti-Japanese War.

Furthermore, during his time managing the Chaxi base, he had been criticized numerous times by Wei Hongjun for his inability to grasp policy. But now, he had been promoted to the Central Committee as Deputy Minister of the United Front Work Department, a full-fledged central cadre. Fortunately, after his promotion to the United Front Work Department, Wei Hongjun was directly in charge, giving him some peace of mind.

"Comrade Huang Hao, this isn't something that needs to be put on the agenda. What's needed is that you make adjustments as quickly as possible. Furthermore, the cadre school is just a typical example, and there are still many issues that need to be adjusted."

"Yes."

Huang Hao was used to accepting Wei Hongjun's orders during the war years.

So there was no bargaining, just nodding and accepting the order.

Then Wei Hongjun turned to Liao Chengzhi and Lian Xueshi and said, "We also need to adjust our thinking regarding overseas Chinese affairs in Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Southeast Asia. We shouldn't just focus on building good relationships with Chinese businesspeople, as if our united front work only involves engaging with them. This is wrong."

"Our overseas Chinese affairs work should be oriented towards the vast majority of overseas Chinese. We should not only engage with Chinese businessmen, but also with ordinary Chinese people. We should understand their difficulties and actively help them solve them. I've heard that many overseas Chinese have difficulty communicating with their families in China, and remittance procedures are cumbersome. There are also many cases of overseas Chinese being deceived in foreign countries due to illiteracy."

"Our Overseas Chinese Affairs Commission should be rooted in the vast overseas Chinese community. We should understand the difficulties faced by ordinary people in their daily lives and help resolve them. Of course, our Overseas Chinese Affairs Commission has limited staff and resources, so we can't cover everything. Therefore, we should help overseas Chinese actively establish organizations. These aren't political organizations, but rather cooperative organizations that unite and help each other, like the Merchants Association formed by Chinese businessmen. We must remember that unity is strength."

"However, the Overseas Chinese Affairs Commission needs to come up with a plan on how to do this specifically."

Liao Chengzhi nodded.

As the son of a Kuomintang veteran and his mother from a wealthy Hong Kong merchant family, Liao Chengzhi possessed extensive connections within the Chinese communities of Hong Kong, Macau, and Southeast Asia. However, his primary focus was united front work among Chinese businesspeople.

The families they are trying to win over are influential families in Hong Kong, Macau and Southeast Asia.

The effect is very good.

But it's clear that Wei Hongjun's approach differs from that of his predecessors. While Wei Hongjun supports united front work with Chinese businesspeople, he also believes the CCP's united front work must not forget its own nature. The CCP is a Marxist-Leninist party, so uniting the lower-middle class is the right path.

"Secretary Wei, overseas Chinese affairs involve a problem."