Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Especially the North China Bureau and the Northeast Bureau, which opposed his instructions one after another. Moreover, the North China Bureau and the Northeast Bureau did not use factionalism or localism to oppose Comrade Xiuyang, but each time relied on rigorous practice and theory to oppose. Finally, judging from the results,

He failed in several arguments with the local central bureau.

These were very serious blows to Comrade Xiuyang, who became a major leader of the Party Central Committee after the Seventh National Congress. After all, after the Seventh National Congress, these issues involving important central policies were corrected several times by lower-level cadres.

Only by constantly following the right path can a leader gain the support of his subordinates. If he keeps making mistakes or is always opposed by his subordinates, this will definitely affect his prestige.

Even more so this time.

Not only was the debate public, but more importantly, it concerned trade union issues. Comrade Xiuyang himself was a leader in the labor movement and had served as Chairman of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions in his early years.

Later, Comrade Xiuyang represented the correct line in the white areas.

Therefore, trade unions were his forte, and he always had a strong voice on union issues. But this time, on this union issue, Comrade Xiuyang suffered a major setback. As a central leader, this setback in the area of ​​work he was most familiar with dealt a direct blow to Comrade Xiuyang's prestige.

This will lead to a big change.

Especially after Gao Gang's resounding victory, Comrade Xiuyang's voice in Party affairs will be greatly weakened. There have always been disagreements over Party affairs within the Central Committee. Comrade Xiuyang is the overall head of Party affairs within the Central Committee, while Comrade Gao Gang presides over the Secretariat and handles the day-to-day Party affairs of the Party Central Committee.

Although Gao Gang wanted to handle party affairs independently before, the party discipline was there.

Gao Gang reported to the Chairman several times individually, without going through Comrade Xiu Yang, in an attempt to weaken his voice in Party affairs. However, after receiving Gao Gang's report, the Chairman would always pass it on to Comrade Xiu Yang, who still needed his signature.

Because of the division of labor within the party, Gao Gang naturally lagged behind Comrade Xiuyang in party affairs.

But it's different now.

Comrade Xiuyang possessed a high level of theoretical proficiency and outstanding strategic capabilities. He contributed to many of the Central Committee's major policies and theoretical developments since the Seventh National Congress. However, he suffered several setbacks on important matters.

Gao Gang was the winner in every head-on confrontation.

Gao Gang has triumphed over the rich peasant Party member issue, the land issue, land reform, the rural cooperative issue, and now, the trade union issue. Each victory has damaged Comrade Xiuyang's prestige while further enhancing Gao Gang's voice. Now, Gao Gang presides over the Secretariat with authority.

In the future, Comrade Xiuyang's voice in Party affairs will be further weakened. It is now the summer of 1955.

There are less than two years left until the Ninth National Congress of the Party.

With this happening now, the personnel adjustments for the Ninth National Congress will undoubtedly be subject to uncertainty. Gao Gang will likely make even greater moves in preparation for the Ninth National Congress. Wei Hongjun, in his current position, is inevitably subject to intra-Party struggles and will undoubtedly be embroiled in personnel issues.

Because Wei Hongjun is not alone.

Wei Hongjun not only had to consider his own affairs, but also the personnel arrangements of the various ministries and commissions under his charge, and even the arrangements of some cadres from his old faction. Sometimes it was not that Wei Hongjun wanted to take care of the cadres from his own faction, but when it came to faction issues, it naturally affected Wei Hongjun.

These are all very complex issues.

Not to mention anything else, the competition for the Ninth Central Committee members and alternate members alone will not be peaceful.

If there hadn't been a dispute among the leadership at the Central Committee, the personnel arrangements for the Ninth National Congress could have proceeded smoothly. Even if there were some issues, the overall direction would have remained unchanged. But the situation is clearly different now. Comrade Gao Gang is a complacent and unwavering individual, determined not to stop. So, Wei Hongjun is also considering how to respond.

No matter what, the fundamentals must be maintained.

Just as Wei Hongjun was pondering the current situation in Beijing, Tan Zhenlin approached him. "Comrade Tan Zhenlin, thank you for your hard work."

Wei Hongjun greeted Tan Zhenlin at the door.

Tan Zhenlin had been incredibly exhausted this past year. Since becoming Minister of Agricultural Reclamation, he'd been traveling extensively to Northeast China, Suiyuan, Xinjiang, Hainan, and Yunnan, with little time for rest. He was away for eight or nine months of the year. This time, he went to Yunnan, to Jiangxinpo, where development was just beginning. Many areas were inaccessible by car, so Tan Zhenlin traveled on foot to inspect and deploy work.

"This is our job." Tan Zhenlin waved his hand indifferently.

It would be a lie to say I wasn't tired. Although the situation was much more difficult when Tan Zhenlin was fighting guerrilla warfare in the Central Soviet Area, he was still young then, only in his thirties. But now, Tan Zhenlin is already in his fifties.

My physical strength is not what it was twenty years ago.

Wei Hongjun poured a glass of water for Tan Zhenlin and asked, "How's the situation in Yunnan?"

"very good."

Talking about work, Tan Zhenlin perked up. He looked very satisfied. "The coffee plantation in Yunnan will start harvesting this year, and should be producing in large quantities next year. I've already spoken with the Ministry of Foreign Trade to see if we can start exporting to the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe next year."

After returning from the Korean War, Wei Hongjun focused on adjusting the rubber production campaign and building a coffee base in Yunnan, planting a large number of coffee trees. Four years later, the trees are beginning to bear fruit.

It's just the beginning.

Since 1956, the coffee trees have been blooming and bearing fruit in large quantities.

Wei Hongjun nodded.

Backed by the Soviet Union and Eastern European markets.

Although trade with the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe was primarily based on barter, China needed this kind of barter. Without goods to export, how could it import machinery, equipment, and industrial products from the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe?

It's like a truck.

With the recovery and development of New China's economy in recent years, the demand for transportation has been increasing day by day.

But China's own truck production is limited.

Therefore, China needed to import large quantities of trucks from the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries, tens of thousands of them annually. But importing so many trucks required money. To import trucks, China had to increase exports. Coffee was a good export product, with a relatively high price and the ability to export in large quantities.

"In addition to the coffee base, the Yunnan Agricultural Reclamation Bureau also grows crops such as sugarcane and rubber. So far, everything is developing very well."

"Where's Jiangxinpo?" "It's a good place."

Tan Zhenlin said, "The best thing about this place is its abundant water resources, with two large rivers running through the entire Jiangxinpo area. The biggest problem with Jiangxinpo is that it's undeveloped, so it's covered in deep mountains and old forests. However, if it's developed, it could become a very important planting base. It could be a grain production area, or a major sugarcane and rubber production base. However, there are also many difficulties."

"That's right. Developing Hainan is already so difficult, let alone the Jiangxinpo area."

Wei Hongjun nodded.

Why were the Central Plains dynasties, whether the Ming or the Qing, unable to control Burma? It wasn't because Burma was so powerful, but rather because the Central Plains soldiers weren't acclimated to the region's climate. Fighting there resulted in more casualties from illness than from battlefield injuries.

"If you have any difficulties or needs, you must fully support me. If you need me to intervene, please tell me directly."

"it is good."

Tan Zhenlin nodded.

After a moment of thought, he said, "The development in Yunnan is quite good. However, I think there will be some changes in the Kunming Military Region and the Yunnan Provincial Party Committee."

"What's wrong?"

"Comrade Chen Geng is in very poor health. His health wasn't very good during the war years. Since the 17th Army arrived at Jiangxinpo, he has personally commanded the troops stationed there several times, and he also personally led the establishment of the Agricultural Reclamation Corps. As a result, his health has been severely damaged. When I arrived, he was no longer able to handle his work normally."

Wei Hongjun sighed when he heard this.

Wei Hongjun and Chen Geng weren't particularly familiar with each other, but Chen Geng had served as commander of the 1st Red Army Division during the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Campaign and had been Wei Hongjun's direct supervisor. Chen Geng had suffered several injuries during the war years, and years of leading troops in combat had worn down his health. After the founding of the People's Republic of China, he continued to work tirelessly, first serving as head of a military advisory group in Vietnam. Later, he was stationed in Yunnan, where he battled remnants of the Nationalist Army along the border, suppressed bandits, and simultaneously developed Yunnan and the Jiangxinpo area. Yunnan and the Jiangxinpo area were plagued by miasma, which further weakened Chen Geng's already fragile health.

"Is it that serious?"

"It's very serious. He is bedridden and needs to rest." Wei Hongjun knew what Tan Zhenlin meant.

Chen Geng stayed in Yunnan instead of Beijing because of its importance. He had been in Yunnan for seven years. Now his health was failing, and he could only rest. His departure would bring changes to both the Kunming Military Region and Yunnan.

Tan Zhenlin was worried about the work that would follow.

After all, while the Yunnan Agricultural Reclamation Corps was under the leadership of the Ministry of Agricultural Reclamation, its troops were largely reorganized from the Second Field Army, which held considerable influence. If a cadre from the Kunming Military Region failed to cooperate with the Ministry of Agricultural Reclamation, it would significantly impact the Corps' work.

"It should be fine."

Wei Hongjun was also worried.

However, Wei Hongjun thought that no matter who replaced Chen Geng, at most they would want to increase their influence in the Yunnan Agricultural Reclamation Corps or send cadres to the Yunnan Agricultural Reclamation Corps. No other problems would arise.

"There are two things that the Ministry of Agriculture and Reclamation must pay attention to." "Go ahead."

"One is coffee production, the other is rubber production. Currently, the socialist camp is most short of natural rubber and coffee. The Soviet Union and Eastern European countries import natural rubber and coffee through various public and private channels. However, these purchases are not normal market practices and are far from meeting normal demand. This presents a great opportunity for us. Within the socialist camp, only China has the capacity to supply natural rubber and coffee, and in large quantities. 1956 and 1957 saw a significant increase in our natural rubber and coffee production. We must remain patient and not compromise small amounts for the sake of a short-term increase. The closer we get to harvest, the less anxious we should be."

Wei Hongjun attaches great importance to these two things.

Although it may not seem like much, it is an indispensable part of daily life in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe. The relationship with the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries requires both political and economic considerations.

It is to bind more interests of both parties together.

In the future, when conflicts arise between China and the Soviet Union, there will be more scruples. China and the Soviet Union can fall out, but it is best to postpone it for a few years.

"it is good."

After Tan Zhenlin, Li Shaocheng, Zhang Linchi, and others soon arrived to report on their work. After Wei Hongjun spent a few days handling work at the Ministry of Rural Affairs and the State Council ministries, he attended a meeting on education convened by the Premier. The main topics were two: the President's proposal to advance science and culture, strengthen leadership over higher education, and vigorously develop China's higher education system; and the rapid development of education since the founding of the People's Republic of China.

Chapter 958 Education Work Conference

Although the meeting was about education, it wasn't just attended by officials from the education sector. The Premier presided over the meeting, and attendees included Chen Yun, Nie Shuai, Wei Hongjun, Deng Xixian, Li Fuchun, Deng Zhihui, Xi Zhongxun, Li Xiannian, and several ministers. Over thirty people attended this education work conference.

New China's educational development plan is closely tied to its industrialization. Educational development in New China is not a haphazard pursuit. Fiscal revenue is limited, and funding for education is carefully calculated and not spent recklessly. Education cannot lag behind industrialization, as this would hinder the country's progress. However, neither can blindly accelerating educational development, as this would result in significant waste. Only by developing education in tandem with national industrialization can we achieve cost-effectiveness and effort.

There are some problems with the development of education now, and adjustments are needed.

Therefore, this is not just the responsibility of the Propaganda Department and the Ministry of Education. It also requires the participation of Wei Hongjun who is in charge of agriculture, light industry and resource industries, Li Fuchun who is in charge of heavy industry, and Deng Xixian and Li Xiannian who are responsible for formulating economic plans.

"In recent years, my country's higher education has developed rapidly, but many problems have also emerged."

Yang Xiufeng, the new Minister of Education, spoke.

After the founding of the People's Republic of China, Yang Xiufeng served as deputy director of the National Organization Committee under Wei Hongjun. Later, after the National Organization Committee was reorganized, he served as director of the new National Organization Committee.

After the position of Minister of Education became vacant, Yang Xiufeng was appointed Minister of Education by the central government.

Because Yang Xiufeng himself is a senior intellectual within the party.

Yang Xiufeng said, "Currently, there are two major problems with higher education in my country. One is the internal conflicts within universities, and the other is the haphazard development of higher education in some regions without any planning. Now that the central government is advocating for the vigorous development of higher education, these two issues must be addressed. Only then can we develop higher education in my country more boldly and healthily."

"Let's talk about the contradiction first."

Yang Xiufeng paused and continued, "After the major departmental restructuring, many of our universities in Beijing and Shanghai relocated to other cities. Many former university professors were reluctant to leave, leading to numerous conflicts with university officials. Furthermore, over the years, there have been many issues between the cadres we sent to the universities and the original university officials and teachers. More seriously, some existing university professors have rejected our new cadres, bluntly stating, 'The Communist Party cannot lead universities.' This has created significant difficulties for many of our university officials in their work."

"There are more direct ways of putting it."

Duan Chengwei, deputy director of the Second Office and deputy director of the Propaganda Department, spoke.

"Some university professors are calling for the Party to 'withdraw from colleges and universities.' This sentiment is not uncommon at major universities, and is particularly acute at those that were relatively strong during the Republican era."

Yang Xiufeng and Duan Chengwei's words grimaced at the expressions of many present. It was common knowledge that many experts in the field of education, including prominent intellectuals, had always looked down upon the CCP. Despite their outward cheerfulness, many pro-democracy figures praised the Communist Party's contributions to the founding of New China, even discussing issues with the National People's Congress, the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, and the central leadership.

But behind the scenes, many people look down on the CCP’s origins and mock the Communist Party as a country bumpkin.

Just a bunch of peasants.

They only know how to fight, but not how to build, and even less know what education is.

Even if some Communist Party cadres weren't peasants, after spending more than twenty years in the mountains mingling with them, they became peasants. How could a group of peasants who knew only to carry guns and fight understand what education, and what university education, was?

After the founding of New China, the new government took over major universities and, learning from the Soviet Union's experience, carried out a major reorganization of universities.

However, university teachers are not satisfied with the adjustments made by various universities, which has led to many conflicts.

Of course, the relationship between university officials and faculty members wasn't exactly good. Many officials were initially excited to take over universities, but were ultimately looked down upon by faculty and students. Furthermore, during the subsequent salary reform, the salaries of university officials fell far short of those of faculty members of the same rank. This sowed the seeds of conflict.

This contradiction between the two sides has continued and has not been completely alleviated.