He added: "In the future, we will have more and more enterprises of various ownership structures. There will be joint-stock companies between state-owned enterprises, joint-stock companies between state-owned enterprises and collective enterprises, joint-stock companies between different collective enterprises, joint-stock companies between rural cooperative enterprises, and even Sino-foreign joint ventures like the current ones, and joint ventures between Chinese businessmen. Will we then implement a new tax system for every enterprise of different ownership structures? Of course, that's impossible. So, we will classify each industry by how it is taxed, and then tax all enterprises, regardless of ownership, the same way."

"Yes, that's what I mean." Mao Zemin nodded.

Then he said, "The same taxation is levied on bicycle factories in Northeast China, Tianjin, and Shanghai. The same taxation is levied on the bicycle factories here. It doesn't matter what kind of enterprise it is."

Luo Qirong and Tao Zhu carefully recorded the conversation.

Luo Qirong finally said: "This way we will have a clear idea in our minds."

933 Conflict

After discussion, Wei Hongjun, Mao Zemin, Yao Yilin, and the Guangdong team worked out a general direction for the cooperation. Wei Hongjun and Mao Zemin did not intervene in the specific details of the cooperation.

Because that’s what the Chairman asked for.

The Chairman asked Wei Hongjun, Mao Zemin, Yao Yilin, and Li Shiping to come here, not to take charge of the affairs here directly, but to let them come here to grasp the direction and not deviate from the Tianguan principle.

Other than that, it’s mostly observation.

Let's see whether this kind of cooperation is truly beneficial to the development of China's socialist economy.

So the rest of the process was a negotiation between the Guangdong provincial government and the British merchants. The content of the negotiation was simple: how to ensure the safety of the British merchants' money. Investing in China was risky for British merchants.

The biggest risk is that China is a socialist country. They are afraid.

The core of Marxism-Leninism is the public ownership of the means of production. Overthrowing capitalism and establishing a proletarian dictatorship. So how could they not be afraid of the policies of a socialist country like China?

However, thanks to Attlee's successful visit and the founding of the People's Republic of China, foreign companies and factories were not confiscated. Even foreign-controlled mines were not confiscated by China, including the Kailuan and Jingxing coal mines.

But it doesn't help financially.

As a result, foreign businesses themselves were reluctant to continue operating. One reason was fear of confiscation of property by the People's Republic of China, and another was that their operations were struggling. When the People's Republic of China was first established, the national economy was devastated. Many industries needed government support and loans. Unfortunately, the People's Republic of China disliked foreign businesses, so foreign companies were rarely included in the list of recipients of support and loans.

The company eventually became unsustainable, so it was handed over to the government, which was then tasked with settling the debts. The Chinese government did resort to tactics, but it certainly didn't disregard policy and directly confiscate British business assets.

So some British businessmen are really willing to take risks.

Because they knew that big risks often meant big profits. Britain has never lacked adventurers, as they started out as sea pirates, conquering the Netherlands. With this national character, there were still many British merchants who dared to take risks.

After negotiating with the Guangdong government and securing the desired commitments, the two sides finally signed a cooperation agreement. The British merchants were able to procure the machinery and equipment needed by the bicycle factory, including the crucial electroplating machines. The Guangdong Provincial Government would provide the company with a 2,000-year right to use the land at Gongguang, along with the factory building, and cash.

The British merchants were more receptive to the land use rights than expected. Tao Zhu had initially expected strong opposition from the British merchants, but after a brief inquiry, they readily accepted the terms.

why?

Because British merchants have long been accustomed to this model, just like Hong Kong today.

Land is taxed annually; nothing is truly yours once you purchase it. Therefore, the question of rivals' right to use the land was commonplace for British merchants. Their primary concern was what would happen after 2,000 years. The Guangdong Provincial Government's answer was that upon expiration, the right to use the land would be renewed at the prevailing price.

There is also the question of wages.

China insisted that all factory employees adhere to the same wage system. All factory employees were subject to the same wage system. No one could receive a wage exceeding the standard set by the Guangdong Provincial Government. Guangdong Province explicitly told British businesses that even British employees would not receive higher wages. They would be paid according to the factory's wage system, the current Chinese wage system.

After several rounds of negotiations, British businessmen accepted this condition.

The workers they sent to the factory were to receive double pay: one from the factory and one from themselves. Other negotiations went smoothly.

Although there are no preferential terms, there are also no restrictive terms.

Whether it's sales or taxation, the Chinese government doesn't offer preferential treatment, but it also doesn't discriminate. Chinese companies are treated the same regardless of their status. Therefore, negotiations on this aspect went smoothly.

What the British merchants valued was the potential for China's economic development, free of war and warlordism, and the market potential of a unified nation with a population of 600 million. Guangdong sought British capital and the machinery and equipment they brought with them. Previously, many bicycle factories in China operated by hand.

However, the machinery and equipment brought by the British merchants allowed the bicycle factory to mechanize production. This is why the British merchants boasted of an annual production capacity of 40 bicycles in the first phase. The factory's output could be easily increased if needed. Besides the British merchants' funding, China was even more interested in establishing a model for cooperation.

Tell the world that although China is a socialist country, it is willing to coexist peacefully with any non-socialist country in the world. China's first generation of leaders urgently needs a peaceful national environment so that they can devote themselves to economic development.

If Chinese businessmen are currently processing imported materials in China because they are attracted by China's cheap labor, then British businessmen value not only the very cheap materials but also the potential of the Chinese market.

British merchants are far more daring and willing to take risks than Chinese merchants. April 1953, 4.

The first Sino-British joint venture in New China was established in Guangzhou, and the bicycle factory named Wuyang was born.

With an annual production capacity of 40 tons, this is currently the largest bicycle factory in China. The British company's machinery and equipment have already been brought to Hong Kong. After the contract was signed, the factory entered into intensive construction. While this is just a bicycle factory, with a production capacity of 40 units, it could generate an output value of to million RMB.

Of course, no one today would have thought that such a bicycle factory would become the world's largest bicycle manufacturer half a century later. And the bicycle factory was just one of their businesses.

It will become a group company.

After this initial example, more collaborations followed, including various light industrial products.

These included sewing machine factories, watch factories, and daily hardware factories. Were these British merchants wealthy? In fact, they were just small businessmen. Precisely because they were small, they were more adventurous than the Japanese. Large merchants, with their deep pockets, prioritized the security of their funds. Small merchants, however, knew that honestly earning money would never allow them to join the ranks of the big merchants.

So they are willing to take risks and come to China with hundreds of thousands of pounds.

If they succeed, they can become wealthy. If they fail, they can afford the loss.

"Comrade Tan Zhenlin went to Hainan?" "Yes."

"Is there something wrong in Hainan?"

Wei Hongjun originally wanted to go with Mao Zemin to investigate more about Guangdong. Then the two of them would go to Fujian, Jiangxi, Zhejiang and other places with a large number of overseas Chinese to see how overseas Chinese were investing.

Currently, remittances from overseas Chinese to China are substantial. Annual remittances alone exceed $100 million, sometimes reaching several hundred million. However, this money is primarily used to support family living expenses. Overseas Chinese families prefer to save this money rather than invest it.

Wei Hongjun and Mao Zemin wanted to investigate the financial situation of these remittances. How could they get these funds out of families and into investment? Despite the huge amount of remittances received each year, only a little over $100 million is currently being invested. If even half of these remittances could flow into investment, it would be a significant boost to domestic capital.

But at this time Li Shiping found Wei Hongjun.

Tell Wei Hongjun that the Minister of Agricultural Reclamation, Tan Zhenlin, has come to Guangdong. However, Tan Zhenlin did not come to Guangzhou, but went directly to Hainan.

It’s no big deal for Tan Zhenlin to come to Hainan.

After all, Tan Zhenlin had just been appointed Minister of Agriculture and Reclamation. The South China Reclamation Bureau and the Reclamation Corps from the Rubber Campaign had been incorporated into the Ministry of Agriculture and Reclamation. Tan Zhenlin's primary focus had been on the large-scale development of the Northern Wilderness.

It is normal to take some time to watch the rubber battle now.

But after all, Wei Hongjun was in Guangzhou, and Tan Zhenlin did not stop in Guangzhou, but flew directly to Hainan. This was not an ordinary thing.

"yes?"

Li Shiping nodded.

Wei Hongjun immediately became serious.

Hainan is the core region of the rubber boom. While Guangdong, Guangxi, and Yunnan also cultivated natural rubber, the combined production of these three regions pales in comparison to Hainan. Furthermore, Hainan's rubber boom has been proceeding smoothly in recent years, with impressive growth in terms of planted area, survival rate, and established planting area.

Now that the Soviet Union and China have abolished the "Supplementary Rubber Agreement," pressure on China is easing. However, China itself is currently short of rubber, with an annual shortfall of around 50000 tons. Natural rubber is crucial, given the lack of breakthroughs in synthetic rubber technology. The central government is counting on Hainan to supply the country with approximately 1957 tons of rubber by around .

So there must be no problems in Hainan.

Li Shiping said, "The Hainan Reclamation Corps and the local villagers started fighting. Hundreds of people from both sides engaged in a melee."

"What?"

Wei Hongjun stood up suddenly.

"Our colonization corps and the people are fighting?"

The Hainan Reclamation Corps, while no longer a military entity, was once a military unit and is still managed in a military-like manner. In military-civilian conflicts, regardless of the cause, once the military intervenes, the blame will ultimately fall on the military. Clashes with local civilians, including melees, are unjustifiable in any way.

This is no small matter.

"Why exactly?"

"I don't know the details yet. I just heard it was because of farmland. The two sides fought over the farmland, and in the end, the workers of the Reclamation Corps fought with a village of theirs."

"Is there anyone dead?"

Wei Hongjun was very nervous.

If someone died, it would be a serious matter. Li Shiping said, "There's no news of any deaths yet. However, there are over 60 people injured, nine of whom are seriously injured and have been taken to the hospital, but their lives are not in danger."

"call--"

Wei Hongjun couldn't help but breathe a sigh of relief. It was good that no one died.

No wonder Tan Zhenlin flew to Hainan in such a hurry. This was a major matter involving military-civilian relations.

After breathing a sigh of relief, Wei Hongjun couldn't help but angrily asked, "What's going on with Sha Xuewen?"

Wei Hongjun had no idea what had happened. He could only blame his most familiar old subordinate, Sha Xuewen, the deputy political commissar of the Hainan Military Region. Wei Hongjun immediately stood up and went to find Mao Zemin.

The original plan is going to go down the drain.

With something like this happening in Hainan, Wei Hongjun absolutely needed to go and see it. Not to mention that it was Wei Hongjun who originally decided to adjust the rubber war. Just the fact that he is now the Minister of Rural Affairs, and the Ministry of Land Reclamation also falls under his purview, is enough for him to go and see it.

When Mao Zemin heard Wei Hongjun's words, he immediately nodded.

The original plan was for Mao Zemin to go alone. After sorting out the information, they would return to Beijing and discuss it. For now, it was more important to deal with the Hainan issue.

Wei Hongjun immediately set off for Hainan with Li Shiping.

934 Adjustment

Tan Zhenlin hopes Wei Hongjun will come.

After all, the main units of the Hainan Military Region were the 47th and 69th Armies, one from the 16th Corps and the other from the 19th Corps. While none of these were directly under Wei Hongjun's command, they all had a connection. Including the Wei Hongjun, these units were originally spun off from the independent regiment led by Yang Quanwu. Many of these units were former comrades of Wei Hongjun.

It doesn't mean that Tan Zhenlin must become a faction leader.

But when dealing with matters like the current one, it would be easier to handle things if there were familiar cadres there.

So after the incident, he flew directly to Hainan while telegraphing Wei Hongjun. Tan Zhenlin and Wei Hongjun had never worked together, so he didn't know what Wei Hongjun would choose.

Should I come over in person to deal with it together, or choose to avoid it and let myself handle it.

When he saw Wei Hongjun arrive in Hainan, he was delighted. With Wei Hongjun around, handling these two incidents would be much simpler. After the two met, Tan Zhenlin briefly briefed Wei Hongjun on the news Baiqi had received. Wei Hongjun's biggest concern was the condition of the injured following the clash.

Although Li Shiping said no one was killed, Wei Hongjun was still very worried.

A conflict is one thing, but if someone actually died, the situation would be serious. Whether it's the Reclamation Corps or the villagers, someone will be held accountable. And it's not just ordinary accountability; at least several people will be imprisoned. Many of the Reclamation Corps' troops, in particular, will face military court.

Even the cadres of the Hainan Military Region will be affected.

Furthermore, the deaths exacerbated the enmity between the Reclamation Corps and the local people. Even decades of discussion proved impossible to resolve. Fortunately, Tan Zhenlin gave Wei Hongjun a reassuring answer: no one had died. While several people had broken legs and arms, the injuries were not serious. Although a fight broke out, no one was killed.

Before Wei Hongjun came over, Tan Zhenlin had already gone to the hospital to check it out. After getting the accurate information, Wei Hongjun finally felt relieved.

After a brief exchange between the two, a meeting was immediately held.

Leaders from all walks of life in Hainan were summoned. Cheng Zhicai, First Deputy Commander of the Guangzhou Military Region, rushed to Hainan because he concurrently served as Commander and Political Commissar of the Hainan Military Region. Xiao Siming, First Deputy Commander, and Sha Xuewen, First Deputy Political Commissar, presided over the Hainan Military Region. Zhang Yinghui, Second Deputy Commander of the Hainan Military Region and Commander of the Hainan Reclamation Corps, and Ji Zhen, Second Deputy Political Commissar of the Military Region and Political Commissar of the Hainan Reclamation Corps, also attended the meeting. Several officials from the Hainan Reclamation Corps, as well as Li Jiaren, Director of the South China Reclamation Bureau, also attended the meeting.

Of course, local officials from Hainan also attended the meeting. Chen Renlin, secretary of the Hainan District Party Committee, Zhao Guangju and Li Liming, deputy district party secretaries, and Xiao Huanhui and Chen Kewen, directors of the Hainan Administrative Office, were among them.

Tan Zhenlin chaired the meeting as Minister of Agriculture and Reclamation.

"Tell me, what's going on? The Reclamation Corps, formerly either the Qiongya Column or the 69th Army. Both were units that made great achievements during the revolutionary era. Now that there are no enemies left to fight on the battlefield, why are they starting to fight against the civilians?"

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