Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

During the first separate negotiation in Geneva, the two sides decided to send trade delegations to each other and to support exchanges between the two peoples. During the second separate negotiation, the two sides decided to send representative offices to each other.

Although diplomatic relations were not established, the relationship between the two sides took a big step closer.

The exchange of offices means that the two countries need to establish direct communication channels.

While China and Britain were meeting frequently privately, the Prime Minister also met frequently with Pierre Mendes, the new French Prime Minister and Foreign Minister. Pierre Mendes was appointed French Prime Minister because he promised to end the Vietnam War within a month of taking office. His proposal was to narrow the front on colonial issues and focus on strengthening France's own strength and position in Europe.

Pierre Mendes was proud, and his goal was to restore France's power, but he did not dare to look down on China.

The combat effectiveness demonstrated by China in the Korean War and the fighting strength of the North Vietnamese army supported by China made Pierre Mendes realize that he could not withdraw from Indochina without China.

And he has already seen the exchange of glances between China and Britain.

While France was withdrawing from Indochina, this did not mean it was willing to completely lose its influence in Asia. To maintain its influence in East Asia, it could not bypass China. Even if France wanted to make a name for itself on the world stage, it could not completely ignore a regional power like China. Therefore, it was very willing to negotiate privately with China.

Same as in the UK.

The Prime Minister briefly briefed Pierre Mendes on current exchanges between China and the UK. He stated that there are no fundamental contradictions between China, the UK, or France, and therefore no obstacles to peaceful coexistence or the development of relations between the two sides. The Philippines is always willing to maintain peaceful coexistence with non-socialist countries, including Western nations like the UK and France, and is willing to develop political and economic cooperation with them.

Ye Jizhuang, who traveled abroad with the Prime Minister, stated directly that China was very willing to purchase the necessary machinery, equipment, and industrial products from France, provided France so desired. China also invited a French trade delegation to visit China. The Prime Minister stated magnanimously that China had no trade embargoes and that France could import anything it wanted from China, as long as China could meet the requirements.

Pierre Mendes is very satisfied with China's pragmatic attitude.

Pierre Mendes was very interested in the model of reciprocal representative offices between China and the UK. A decision was quickly reached between the two sides to also exchange representative offices. Both countries were also willing to actively promote people-to-people exchanges.

Pierre Mondes also expressed his welcome to the Chinese delegation to visit France.

Of course, in addition to negotiations with Britain and France, the Prime Minister's biggest task is to negotiate with Myanmar. This is because Southeast Asian countries, including South Asian countries, currently have many problems due to the historical accounts left by the British, the troublemakers of the past.

Especially the border issues.

If we can complete the demarcation of the border with Myanmar as soon as possible and do it peacefully, it will serve as a model for Southeast Asian and South Asian countries, telling them that although New China has been established, it will not use force to resolve border issues.

These are all a series of problems.

The Myanmar government and prime minister are currently in a position of absolute weakness in negotiations. Historically, negotiations between China and Myanmar lasted until the 6000s before the demarcation of the border was finally completed. Previously, Myanmar was plagued by numerous warlords, with nearly every ethnic group maintaining its own armed forces. The Myanmar government was unable to resolve these issues. Finally, in desperation, the Myanmar government took the matter to the United Nations. However, even into the 31st century, Myanmar remained unresolved, and warlords still abounded throughout the country.

Therefore, facing a powerful China, the Burmese government is deeply afraid. This is the deterrent effect of the Korean War. The Chinese army quickly defeated the powerful American forces, leaving them in disarray and thousands of prisoners. This didn't happen even during World War III. The Japanese army's early efforts to defeat American forces in Southeast Asia were also primarily colonial forces.

Of course, what scares the Myanmar government even more is that after the remnants of the Nationalist army, which were driven out by the People's Liberation Army, entered the Indochina Peninsula, they were so powerful that they could dominate the rest of the country, making the countries in the Indochina Peninsula cry for help.

Southeast Asian countries have always been afraid of China throughout history, and they are even more afraid of China today.

Therefore, the Burmese government, which has historically argued with China over the McMahon Line, has been reluctant to comment on the abrogation of the 1941 Line previously signed by China and Britain. While both the McMahon Line and the 1941 Line were discussed during this border negotiation with the Prime Minister, the Prime Minister, after presenting Britain's statement abrogating the 1941 Line, did not dare to continue the argument.

Therefore, the Myanmar government's focus this time is on the selection of chieftains along the border. The "McMahon Line"—a controversial term—is a subject of considerable controversy. This controversy stems primarily from the region's complex history. Many areas here have traditionally been governed by local chieftains, with these chieftains having existed for hundreds or even thousands of years. Historically, many of these chieftains have gravitated towards whatever direction the wind blew, lacking a clear concept of nationhood. When the Central Plains was strong, they submitted to the Central Plains dynasty; when the Central Plains dynasty was weak, they followed Myanmar. Therefore, even without the "McMahon Line," the ownership of many areas along this border remains controversial. The Myanmar government's position is that in disputed areas, the opinions of local chieftains must be respected.

After several conversations, the two sides reached a rough agreement.

That means both sides recognize the current border. However, some disputed areas along the border require on-site exploration, while also respecting the choices of local residents. Ultimately, both sides decided to send representatives to re-explore the disputed Wangsi area.

However, given the current situation of the Myanmar government, it is not known when it will be possible to conduct re-exploration.

In addition, the Myanmar government also made a request. That is, can the Chinese government help to fight against the remnants of the Nationalist Army on the border? Because the Myanmar government is unable to defeat them.

The Prime Minister said he would discuss this issue after returning.

The Prime Minister agreed.

It’s because these defeated soldiers are ignorant.

If you stay in Burma honestly, then how you fight those Burmese warlords and bandits is your business, and New China does not want to do anything extreme. But these people don't learn their lesson.

They frequently dispatched small units to harass the border and loot villages along the border. They also daily promoted a counterattack on the mainland and campaigned against the Communists. They also organized various training sessions to train future officers for the counterattack.

New China is currently planning a major development project in the Jiangxinpo area. Not only will the military be deployed, but also numerous technicians and students. If these remnants of the Nationalist army, now practically reduced to banditry, were to abduct some people, especially female students, the impact would be disastrous.

Therefore, the central government has long wanted to give them a good beating. However, New China is now fully committed to breaking the US blockade, so it does not want to put pressure on Southeast Asian countries and force them to side with the US. If the People's Liberation Army recklessly crosses the border to attack these defeated troops, it will inevitably terrify the Southeast Asian countries. If they become afraid and all flee to the US side, then New China's southwestern region will never be stable.

Now that it is the Myanmar government's request, it will be much easier.

If we don't strike hard at these defeated troops, they will really think they can do whatever they want. Only by making them afraid will they dare not harass the country.

The Prime Minister conducted diplomacy, while Ye Jizhuang conducted trade. After arriving in Geneva, Ye Jizhuang frequently met with representatives from various countries. He didn't discuss diplomacy or politics with them, only trade. Ye Jizhuang introduced them to China's upcoming exhibition in Guangzhou and invited merchants from all over the world to visit.

At the same time, it also promotes Chinese products.

This is a rare opportunity.

Conducting trade negotiations with the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries is different from conducting trade negotiations with other countries. Ye Jizhuang is aware of this.

It can be said that the Prime Minister's visit to Geneva with the delegation was very fruitful in many respects. The Chairman, the Secretariat, and the Prime Minister reviewed the day's negotiations daily.

The telegrams were going to rage.

However, this aspect of the work has nothing to do with Wei Hongjun. He is not in charge of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, nor does he handle the daily work of the Secretariat. He still has to work diligently on his own affairs.

Wei Hongjun's original itinerary was to go to Northeast China for inspection.

Look at the Liaohe Oilfield, look at the agricultural development in Northeast China, and then examine the reclamation of the Great Northern Wilderness. Because according to the plan, starting from 1955, the Songliao Oilfield (Daqing Oilfield) will be gradually integrated, and in 1956 the Songliao Oilfield will be integrated on a large scale.

At that time, the main force will be the technical personnel and engineering troops of the Liaohe Oilfield.

So Wei Hongjun prepared to go and check out the situation at the Liaohe Oilfield to see if they were prepared.

Unexpectedly, the British businessmen who had been conducting research in China had already left. But they recently returned to China through Hong Kong and decided to cooperate with China. And it wasn't a loan or a fixed investment, but a genuine desire to invest and build a factory in China.

This is no small matter.

After all, since the founding of the People's Republic of China, the central government's policy has been to not confiscate foreign property and allow existing foreign companies and factories to continue operating. However, it has not approved the establishment of new foreign companies and factories. This has led to foreign companies gradually withdrawing from the Chinese market.

Later, as more Chinese businessmen wanted to invest directly, the central government opened a small loophole, but the conditions for this small loophole were quite stringent.

Don't say anything else.

In terms of loans and fixed investment, foreign investors only provide cash and do not have the qualifications to operate the business. But at least they will not lose money.

No matter how much you borrow, you will eventually pay it back according to the interest rate. Because this involves the national credit issue, so as long as the money is borrowed, you will not lose it.

The same is true for fixed investment.

New China is a socialist country, and currently, there are no clear bankruptcy procedures. So, as long as you invest consistently, no matter how much, you'll receive dividends every year. It might not be a lot, but you'll definitely not lose money.

I just can't guarantee you a return on investment, but investing directly in building a factory is different.

Direct investment in a factory, while eligible, still requires a joint-stock company formed in partnership with a Chinese state-owned enterprise or collective enterprise. Foreign investors are not permitted to establish wholly foreign-owned enterprises.

There are also strict restrictions on profits.

Capital can only take one-third. The remaining two-thirds should be used to increase workers' welfare, and the other half should be used as factory savings and for company development. Furthermore, half of the one-third taken by capital goes to domestic state-owned enterprises.

In other words, the maximum amount of money foreign investors can take away is only one-sixth of the net profit.

Who can guarantee profits?

And the profit you can take away is only one-sixth.

Wei Hongjun had initially assumed that British merchants wouldn't invest under such conditions. Even the Chinese merchants who had initially considered investing had largely withdrawn, leaving only a small minority showing any interest. Unexpectedly, British merchants were actually willing to invest and build a factory. Because this was a first, the Central Committee took it very seriously. Chairman Mao personally met with Chen Yun, Wei Hongjun, and Mao Zemin. Ultimately, the Chairman decided to dispatch Wei Hongjun, Mao Zemin, and Minister of Commerce Yao Yilin to Guangdong.

The task is to see.

The Chairman's intention is not to actively participate in British investment, but to see the effects of this cooperation.

China actually has experience in this area. After the founding of the People's Republic of China, it partnered with the Soviet Union to establish numerous Sino-Soviet joint ventures. China benefited greatly from these collaborations.

We learned how to manage a company, trained a large number of management cadres, and cultivated sufficient technical personnel.

The only difference is that it was the Soviet government that was cooperating with China. Now it has become British businessmen.

This is a very sensitive issue. The CCP finally overthrew the three major powers and drove out imperialist forces. Now, foreign investment is being encouraged. This isn't just inviting capitalists in, and some cadres may be confused.

So the chairman’s intention is to handle it in a low-key manner first.

At the same time, foreign investors are not given direct management rights. They only have the right to participate in management, but not the right to control management.

It's already so harsh.

If British businessmen are still willing to invest under such harsh conditions, the central government would like to know how they make money.

931 British Merchants' Plans

Wei Hongjun, Mao Zemin, Yao Yilin, and Li Shiping, Deputy Secretary-General of the State Council, went south to Guangzhou.

Luo Qirong and Tao Zhu came to the airport to pick up Wei Hongjun and others.

The sudden decision by British merchants to invest and build factories in China alarmed even the central government, let alone the Qianbu in Guangdong. Luo Qirong and Tao Zhu were actually quite nervous. After all, this was a collaboration with foreign capitalists. Now that the central government had made a small concession, it was no problem.

What if someone investigates later?

What if they were colluding with capitalists? And with imperialist capitalists? This was no small charge. Although Luo Qirong and Tao Zhu were both senior and high-ranking cadres within the Party, they couldn't afford to be accused of such a crime.

However, as frontline cadres, if a dispute arises over this issue, they will inevitably become targets.

So, even though the Central Committee had already made an offer, as Chen Yun had introduced it during the meeting with Attlee, Luo Qirong and Tao Zhu still didn't dare make a decision on their own and immediately reported to the Central and British governments. Now that Wei Hongjun and Mao Zemin had arrived, he felt somewhat relieved. They could shoulder any challenges together. Wei Hongjun was the youngest member of the Politburo since ancient times, and Mao Zemin held a special status.

Even if something happens in the future, we can get through it together.

In reality, Luo Qirong and Tao Zhu were known within the Party for their boldness and daring actions. Any other Qianbu would have dared not get involved in such a matter. They would have directly informed the British merchants in Guangdong that they could not cooperate with them, rather than reporting the matter to the Central Committee.

Because the conditions proposed by the British businessmen were really too good.

If cooperation truly took place, it would have a significant impact on Guangdong's economic development. Therefore, despite knowing the risks, Luo Qirong and Tao Zhu still reported to the central government. In reality, they hoped to facilitate this cooperation.

"Comrade Hongjun, it's great that you're here." Luo Qirong held Wei Hongjun's hand tightly.

The two had been collaborating for quite a while. Luo Qirong had been serving as deputy secretary of the Jin-Cha-Ji branch bureau since 1942, a period spanning over ten years. During that time, when Division Commander Nie promoted Wang Qiuyun and Wei Hongjun, Luo Qirong also voted in support. Without Luo Qirong's support, it would have been difficult to promote Wei Hongjun solely with Marshal Nie's help. So, seriously, Luo Qirong, the veteran leader, was quite considerate of Wei Hongjun.

So Wei Hongjun was also very polite to Luo Qirong.

"The Guangdong Provincial Party Committee is indeed courageous. And this time when I came to Guangzhou, I found that Guangzhou is much more prosperous than before."

Wei Hongjun was not complimenting him.

Guangdong's development was truly rapid. Luo Qirong and Tao Zhu had done a truly remarkable job in Guangdong. Wei Hongjun and Mao Zemin, gazing at the bustling Guangzhou streets from their car, were delighted.

The economic development work is truly outstanding. "It takes advantage of its geographical location."

Luo Qirong shook his head and said, "Did you see the car transport team over there?" "What's wrong?"

"Guangzhou has always been an important import and export city in my country. The war affected it a bit, but now it's starting to recover. These are goods coming to Guangzhou from various provinces for export. We have a good location, so our development has improved a bit."

Perhaps because local work is so trivial, Luo Qirong is much more modest than before. Wei Hongjun looked at it carefully.

The fleet is indeed very busy. When Wei Hongjun accompanied Chairman Mao to Guangzhou two years ago, Guangzhou's automobile transport was already bustling. Now it seems even busier than before. And there's all sorts of stuff going on.

"Are all these exported to Hong Kong? Can Hong Kong absorb so much?"

"How could that be possible? Hong Kong only has a population of over two million, how could it possibly handle so much? Most of these products are shipped through Hong Kong and then to Southeast Asia."