After Tan Zheng became the first deputy director of the General Political Department, Fu Zhong became the second deputy director, Xiao Hua became the third deputy director, and Zhu Liangcai, who is currently the deputy political commissar of the Volunteer Army and political commissar of the 20th Corps on the Korean front, became the fourth deputy director.

Of course, Luo Shuai didn't just name Tan Zheng; he also mentioned Wang Zhi, First Secretary of the Southeast Branch, and Song Renqiong, First Deputy Secretary of the Southwest Bureau. The evaluation process for the awarding of ranks was crucial, and Luo Shuai needed elite troops, including cadres from different units.

Wang Zhi and Song Renqiong are both cadres that Luo Shuai needs for the next grading work.

Wang Zhi was nominated by Marshal Luo as the first deputy minister of the General Political Department, Song Renqiong as the second deputy minister, Xu Liqing as the third deputy minister, and Gan Weihan, director of the Political Department of the Volunteer Army who was still in the Korean battlefield, as the fourth deputy minister.

Liu Shuai was appointed by the Military Commission as the Director of the General Training Department, but because Liu Shuai was in charge of military academy affairs, General Peng proposed that Zuo Quan be appointed as the acting director of the General Training Department, Li Da, the former chief of staff of the Second Field Army, as the first deputy director, Peng Shaohui, deputy commander and chief of staff of the Northwest Military Region, as the second deputy director, Chen Zhonghe, the chief of staff of the Chinese People's Volunteer Army currently in North Korea, as the third deputy director, and Xiao Zijing as the fourth deputy director.

Yang Quanwu served as the Minister of the General Armament Department, Wang Shusheng served as the first deputy minister, PLA Artillery Commander Chen Xilian served as the second deputy minister, Han Wei served as the third deputy minister, and Feng Yongshun, a general whom Zhao Lu relied on in the Logistics Department, served as the fourth deputy minister.

At the same time, the CMC meeting formally established the Ministry of Nuclear Industry, a subsidiary of the Central Military Commission. This Ministry, independent of any of the eight headquarters, was directly subordinate to the CMC. It was responsible for developing China's own nuclear industry, primarily the development of atomic bombs. It was externally known as the Third Ministry of Machine Building.

Yang Quanwu served as minister, Zhao Lu served as first vice minister, Han Wei served as second vice minister, Liu Jie, vice minister and party secretary of the Ministry of Geology, served as third vice minister, and Qian Sanqiang served as fourth vice minister.

After being promoted to the central government this year, He served as Deputy Chief of the General Staff.

Originally, there was another important figure who came to Beijing this time, that is, Chen Geng, deputy commander of the Southwest Military Region and commander of the Yunnan Military Region.

However, as negotiations with Britain to abolish the 1941 Line progressed, the 17th Army advanced into the Jiangxinpo and Yerenshan areas. Furthermore, based on the recommendations of the Rural Work Committee, the Yunnan Military Region prepared to establish a Farm Reclamation Corps there.

With the 17th Army now entering an unfamiliar territory, Yunnan's importance has increased. Because of these distractions, the Central Committee did not transfer Chen Geng to Beijing this time, but instead allowed him to remain in Yunnan.

Finally, it is about the new military region adjustments.

As early as when Yang Quanwu was in the General Staff Headquarters, he had submitted several proposals to the Central Committee. In the end, the Central Committee decided on the proposals of 13 military regions: Shenyang Military Region, Beijing Military Region, Shandong Military Region, Wuhan Military Region, Nanjing Military Region, Guangzhou Military Region, Fuzhou Military Region, Kunming Military Region, Chengdu Military Region, Lanzhou Military Region, Tibet Military Region, Xinjiang Military Region, and Inner Mongolia Military Region.

They are all large military regions.

However, there are differences among the major military regions.

For example, the Shenyang Military Region governs the three northeastern provinces. The importance of the Northeast cannot be overstated, so the Shenyang Military Region plays a crucial role. Then there's the Beijing Military Region, which is responsible for defending the capital.

The newly established Inner Mongolia Military Region and Xinjiang Military Region are under less pressure. Because it is currently the honeymoon period between China and the Soviet Union, neither the Inner Mongolia Military Region nor the Xinjiang Military Region has many field troops.

Most of the original field troops were transferred to the Production and Construction Corps.

And it’s different from history.

After the 13 major military regions were created, the commanders and political commissars of the military regions were primarily generals and lieutenant generals. However, military ranks had not yet been awarded, and the Korean War was still ongoing. Therefore, while the ranks of the major military regions had been lowered, the ranks of the commanders and political commissars of the military regions were still relatively clear. Overall, many of the commanders and political commissars of the major military regions were still highly qualified.

The Kunming Military Region administers Yunnan and Guangxi.

Because Yunnan's importance increased, the original leadership structure was retained. Chen Geng continued to serve as commander of the Kunming Military Region, with Xie Fuzhi as political commissar. Qin Jiwei became deputy commander, Liu Zhijian as first deputy political commissar, and Yu Yichuan as second deputy political commissar.

The former Northeast Military Region was reorganized into the Shenyang Military Region. Deng Guo, a member of the Central Revolutionary Military Commission and acting commander of the Chinese People's Volunteer Army, was appointed commander of the Shenyang Military Region. Xia Houwen, formerly the second deputy secretary of the Northeast Bureau and second deputy political commissar of the Northeast Military Region and deputy political commissar of the Chinese People's Volunteer Army, was appointed political commissar of the Shenyang Military Region. Li Xinxi was appointed deputy commander of the Shenyang Military Region, and Zhou Huan was appointed deputy political commissar and director of the political department of the Shenyang Military Region. While Deng Guo was still in North Korea, Deputy Commander Li Xinxi, Political Commissar Xia Houwen, and Director of the Political Department Zhou Huan were responsible for the work of the Shenyang Military Region.

The former North China Military Region was renamed the Beijing Military Region. Tang Jie, currently Deputy Commander of the North China Military Region, became Commander of the Beijing Military Region; Li Zhimin, Deputy Political Commissar and Director of the Political Department of the North China Military Region, became Political Commissar of the Beijing Military Region. Zheng Weishan, Deputy Commander of the Chinese People's Volunteer Army and Commander of the 20th Corps in Korea, became First Deputy Commander; Bao Shen became Second Deputy Commander; Hou Jingru became Third Deputy Commander; and Gao Shuxun became Fourth Deputy Commander. Long Daoquan became First Deputy Political Commissar, and Yuan Shengping became Second Deputy Political Commissar and Director of the Political Department of the Beijing Military Region.

The newly established Inner Mongolia Military Region comprises the Eastern Inner Mongolia Military Region and the Suiyuan Military Region. Wu Qinghe serves as Commander of the Inner Mongolia Military Region, with Ulanfu as Political Commissar. Yao Zhe serves as First Deputy Commander of the Inner Mongolia Military Region, and Xue Yong as Second Deputy Commander. Huang Hao serves as First Deputy Political Commissar of the Inner Mongolia Military Region, and Huang Wenming serves as Second Deputy Political Commissar and Director of the Political Department. The entire Inner Mongolia Military Region currently consists of only two cavalry divisions, plus a Public Security Cavalry Division.

The Shandong Military Region was renamed the Jinan Military Region, with Wang Jian'an appointed commander. Gao Gang had played a significant role in Wang Jian'an's appointment as commander of the Jinan Military Region. Wang Jian'an's relationship with many Fourth Front Army cadres stemmed from his earlier denunciation of Xu Shiyou and others. Xu Shiyou and Wang Jian'an had a particularly bad relationship. Furthermore, Wang Jian'an had a fiery temper, and during the Shandong campaign, he even slammed the table in front of General Chen. General Chen, aside from other matters, had a formidable network of connections, and many central government leaders had close personal relationships with him. Wang Jian'an's slamming of the table in front of General Chen angered even the Chairman, who considered Wang Jian'an unruly.

Fortunately, Wang Jianan and Rao Shushi have a good relationship.

Got the support of Gao Gang.

That's why he was able to serve as the commander of the Jinan Military Region. Wang Jianan's partner was Tan Qilong, who served as the political commissar of the Jinan Military Region. Peng Mingzhi served as deputy commander, and Wang Xinting served as deputy political commissar.

The former East China Military Region was renamed the Nanjing Military Region, encompassing Jiangsu, Anhui, and Shanghai. Xu Shiyou was appointed Commander of the Nanjing Military Region, and Shu Tong was appointed Political Commissar. Ye Fei was appointed First Deputy Commander of the Nanjing Military Region, and Guo Huaruo was appointed Second Deputy Commander. Tang Liang, currently Deputy Political Commissar of the Chinese People's Volunteer Army in Korea and Political Commissar of the 12th Corps, was appointed First Deputy Political Commissar. Zhong Qiguang was appointed Second Deputy Political Commissar, and Xiao Wangdong was appointed Director of the Political Department.

The former Northwest Military Region was renamed the Lanzhou Military Region. Zhang Zhongxun, Deputy Chief of the General Staff, was appointed Commander of the Lanzhou Military Region, with Liu Daosheng as Political Commissar. Guo Tianmin was appointed First Deputy Commander, Gao Wei as Second Deputy Commander, and Zhang Dazhi as Third Deputy Commander. Xian Henghan was appointed First Deputy Political Commissar, Zhang Chao as Second Deputy Political Commissar, and Zhang Desheng as Third Deputy Political Commissar and Director of the Political Department.

The Xinjiang Military Region's commander and political commissar is Wang Enmao. The situation in the Xinjiang Military Region is even weaker than that in the Inner Mongolia Military Region. The entire Xinjiang Military Region currently has only two field divisions, with the remaining troops being transferred to the Production and Construction Corps.

The Central-South Military Region was renamed the Wuhan Military Region, which now administers the Henan, Hubei, and Hunan Provincial Military Regions. It is one of the most powerful military regions among the 13 current military sub-regions. Wang Qiuyun was appointed Commander of the Central-South Military Region, and Luo Renfa was appointed Political Commissar. Wen Niansheng was appointed First Deputy Commander of the Central-South Military Region, Lu Dongsheng was appointed Second Deputy Commander, Xiao Yongshi was appointed Third Deputy Commander, and Kong Qingde was appointed Fourth Deputy Commander. Xiang Zhonghua was appointed First Deputy Political Commissar, Zhang Guangcai was appointed Second Deputy Political Commissar, and Chu He was appointed Third Deputy Political Commissar.

The Southeast Military Region was renamed the Fuzhou Military Region, which now administered the Jiangxi and Fujian Military Regions. Zhang Zihua was appointed Commander, Liu Shude Political Commissar. Qiu Wei was appointed First Deputy Commander, Ding Sheng Second Deputy Commander, and Yi Yaocai Third Deputy Commander. Li Tianhao was appointed First Deputy Political Commissar, Zhang Liankui Second Deputy Political Commissar, and Kong De Third Deputy Political Commissar.

The South China Military Region was reorganized into the Guangzhou Military Region, which comprised the Guangdong, Guangxi, and Hainan Military Regions. Chen Kaikun was appointed Commander of the Guangzhou Military Region, with Luo Qirong as First Political Commissar, Tao Zhu as Second Political Commissar, and Lai Chuanzhu as Third Commander. Cheng Shicai was appointed First Deputy Commander, while Huang Yongsheng, still a student at the military academy, was appointed Second Deputy Commander. Han Xianchu, Deputy Commander of the Chinese People's Volunteer Army and Commander of the 13th Corps in Korea, was appointed Third Deputy Commander. Su Zhenhua was appointed First Deputy Commander, and Wang Daobang was appointed Second Deputy Commander and Director of the Political Department.

Originally, Luo Qirong should have gone to Beijing after the dismantling of the South China Branch. However, with the opening of trade routes to Hong Kong and the rubber war in Hainan, Guangdong's status became crucial. Consequently, Luo Qirong became Secretary of the Guangdong Provincial Party Committee, and Tao Zhu became Governor of Guangdong. Their positions as First and Second Political Commissars of the Military Region were largely figureheads. Their more important duties were in Guangdong Province.

Therefore, the actual political commissar of the Guangzhou Military Region was the third political commissar Lai Chuanzhu.

The Southwest Military Region was renamed the Chengdu Military Region, but only Sichuan remained. The Chengdu Military Region oversaw Tibet. He Bingyan was appointed Commander of the Chengdu Military Region, with Li Jingquan as Political Commissar. Zhou Shiti was appointed First Deputy Commander, Wang Jinshan as Second Deputy Commander, Yan Hongyan as First Deputy Political Commissar, and Chen Manyuan as Second Deputy Political Commissar.

The Tibet Military Region is commanded by Zhang Guohua and its political commissar is Tan Guanshan. Currently, the Tibet Military Region is undermanned, primarily due to logistical reasons. Currently, the entire Tibet Military Region has only two field divisions.

With the confirmation of these military region leaders, this CMC meeting was successfully concluded.

Of course this is just the beginning.

The CMC's various departments will be expanded over the next few years, and cadres will be gradually transferred from various local military commands. At the same time, more military cadres will leave the army. However, this has temporarily stabilized the various military factions.

894 Socialist Transformation of Industry and Commerce

Although the Central Military Commission had already confirmed leadership positions for the 13 major military regions, many officials were unable to take up their posts because the Korean War had not yet ended. Even Commander Deng Guo of the Shenyang Military Region was in Korea. Even after the Korean War ended, these military regions would still need to reshuffle some personnel.

However, the Central Military Commission decisively completed this adjustment, mainly for the next step of disarmament.

Although the CMC is responsible for disarmament, it does not mean that the CMC can make arbitrary decisions. Most of the PLA units have been fighting and revolutionizing together in the same base areas since the Anti-Japanese War. Over more than ten years of revolutionary career, they gradually became what people call "mountaintops".

Since the founding of New China, the divisions between factions are still quite distinct. These historically formed factions are acknowledged by the Chairman and the Central Committee. In the current situation, even if the Central Military Commission wants to reduce the military, it must constantly consult with the various military regions and keep them informed. We must absolutely prevent any unpleasant consequences from occurring.

Just look at the adjustments made to various departments of the Central Military Commission this time.

Leaders from various factions flocked to Beijing, filling the eight headquarters of the Central Military Commission. Even the cadres within the eight headquarters had to consider their factions, and every faction had to be accounted for, let alone disarmament. The final disarmament plan would undoubtedly balance the factions. Furthermore, the first step of reducing the military by one million was actually quite simple. Simply shedding some public security forces, the Production and Construction Corps, the Petroleum Engineering Corps, and the Infrastructure Corps would be enough. Some could be transferred to local governments, while others could be left to their own devices. If that didn't work out, it would be easy to reduce the number of 100 or former Nationalist troops that were reorganized.

The bigger problem actually lies behind.

That means further disarmament of 150 million. Only then can we really cut down the troops on each mountain and start the fight between the various mountain forces.

Of course, in addition to these important matters, the CMC meeting also made several decisions. The CMC decided to establish the Xinjiang Military Region Production and Construction Corps of the People's Liberation Army, the first such corps established at the central level. Currently, each military region has its own production and construction corps, just as the North China Military Region has numerous state farms developed by its production corps in Shanxi and Suiyuan. However, the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps holds the highest rank, practically on par with the Xinjiang Military Region.

The Central Military Commission appointed Tao Zhiyue, who had revolted, as commander of the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps. Wang Enmao, commander and political commissar of the Xinjiang Military Region, was appointed political commissar of the Corps. Huang Xinting, former commander of the First Army of the First Corps, was appointed deputy commander of the Xinjiang Military Region and the Corps. The First and Sixth Armies of the First Corps of the First Field Army, along with the rebellious troops in Xinjiang, were transferred to the Corps, totaling 18.6 personnel.

At the same time, Wang Zhen, the former commander of the Xinjiang Military Region, was transferred to serve as the commander and political commissar of the Railway Corps.

Wang Zhen made great contributions to Xinjiang.

Although Xinjiang was peacefully liberated, conflicts there remained severe, and Wang Zhen successfully resolved them. He successfully reorganized the Kuomintang troops, leveraging a decision from the Military Commission to establish the Xinjiang Military Region Production and Construction Corps of the Chinese People's Liberation Army, the first such corps established at the central level. Currently, each military region has its own production and construction corps, just as the North China Military Region has numerous state farms developed by its production corps in Shanxi and Suiyuan. However, the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps holds the highest rank, practically on par with the Xinjiang Military Region.

The Military Commission appointed Tao Yue, who had revolted, as the head of Xinjiang

Wang Enmao, commander of the Production and Construction Corps and commander and political commissar of the Xinjiang Military Region, was appointed political commissar of the Corps. Huang Xinting, former commander of the First Army of the First Corps, was appointed deputy commander of the Xinjiang Military Region and deputy commander of the Corps. The First and Sixth Armies of the First Corps of the First Field Army, along with the Xinjiang uprising forces, were transferred to the Corps, totaling 18.6 personnel.

At the same time, Wang Zhen, the former commander of the Xinjiang Military Region, was transferred to serve as the commander and political commissar of the Railway Corps.

Wang Zhen made great contributions to Xinjiang.

Although Xinjiang was peacefully liberated, conflicts were still severe, but Wang Zhen was very successful in resolving them. He reorganized the Kuomintang troops and successfully eliminated the bandits in just one year.

At the same time, in order to solve the problem of food for the Xinjiang troops

Wang Zhen began cultivating and reclaiming border areas. He built numerous water conservancy projects in Xinjiang, reclaiming 220 million mu (approximately 70 acres) of wasteland in less than four years, essentially solving the Xinjiang troops' food problem. He also successfully cultivated cotton and sugar beets for the first time in northern Xinjiang, achieving high yields and ending the ancient practice of cotton not being cultivated in northern Xinjiang. He advocated for economical military spending, raised funds, and developed industry, establishing a number of industrial and mining enterprises in steel, textiles, power generation, agricultural machinery, cement, and coal. Combined with Soviet aid projects, within just four years, Xinjiang's total industrial output value exceeded times that of the time of liberation.

Once all the projects are completed, the total industrial output value will be more than 100 times that of the pre-liberation period, which is a very impressive figure in the whole country. After all, being able to build so many new factories in Xinjiang is not something that everyone can do.

During this process, Wang Zhen established over 70% of Xinjiang's factories with the army's own funds, in addition to Soviet aid projects. Having previously worked at Nanniwan, Wang Zhen possessed considerable experience in agricultural reclamation. This large-scale reclamation effort in Xinjiang was a resounding success.

Of course, the Xinjiang land reform led by Wang Zhen also achieved great results.

Historically, Wang Zhen's rapid progress in Xinjiang land reform, resulting in excessive arrests and executions, earned him harsh criticism from the then Ethnic Affairs Commission, which believed it was destabilizing border minority areas. However, in this era, Wei Hongjun was in charge of land reform nationwide, having the foundations of land reform in multi-ethnic regions like Chahar, Suiyuan, Rehe, and Inner Mongolia.

The Ethnic Affairs Commission is managed by Marshal Nie’s Political and Legal Committee.

Wei Hongjun has always believed that class conflicts, rather than ethnic conflicts, are the fundamental issue. The Ethnic Affairs Commission and the United Front Work Department are concerned with the issue of unity and how to stabilize minority areas. They believe that uniting the enlightened upper class of ethnic minorities is the fastest way to stabilize minority areas. However, Wei Hongjun believes that by placing too much of their burden on the upper class of ethnic minorities and landlords, the Ethnic Affairs Commission and the United Front Work Department are putting the cart before the horse. Even if this achieves temporary stabilization in minority areas, it is only a temporary solution, not a fundamental solution. Without addressing the fundamental issues, such stability is unreliable.

True national unity should be based on resolving class contradictions. Whether in Han or minority areas, uniting the vast majority of oppressed people at the bottom of society and uniting all oppressed people at the bottom is the foundation of revolution.

Whether in areas where the Han people live or in areas where ethnic minorities live, those feudal nobles and feudal landlords only occupy a small part.

Therefore, true work with ethnic minorities should be about overthrowing the small minority of upper-class feudal aristocrats and landlords, working for the interests of the vast majority of ethnic minority grassroots people, and uniting them. As long as we do a good job of propaganda and organizing solidarity, work in ethnic minority areas will be much easier. And this is the true solution to the root cause.

Therefore, Wei Hongjun supported Wang Zhen on the issue of land reform.

As for the Ethnic Affairs Commission and the United Front Work Department, Wei Hongjun suppressed their voices, preventing them from influencing the progress of land reform in Xinjiang.

Wang Zhen completed these tasks within a few years, achieving remarkable results. After liberation, Wang Zhen's achievements in local affairs were undoubtedly among the best. Therefore, when the Military Commission officially established a new branch of the military, the Railway Corps, Wang Zhen became its first commander and political commissar.

It comprised 15 railway divisions, two independent bridge regiments, one railway school, and two high schools with a total of 2 personnel. Furthermore, the Military Commission agreed to allocate five divisions to the Railway Corps from the engineering corps returning from Korea after the Korean War.

Wang Zhen has an important task next.

That was the construction of the Yingxia Railway. As early as when Yang Quanwu was still the first secretary of the Southeast Branch, the Southeast Branch had already begun surveying the Yingxia Railway and had already produced the design drawings.

Wang Zhen was impatient. So, immediately after receiving the order from the Military Commission, he decided to move the Railway Corps Headquarters to Jiangxi to prepare for the construction of the Yingxia Railway. The Fuzhou Military Region was also very happy when they received the news.

After all, the Yingxia Railway is the best thing for the Fuzhou Military Region. Therefore, the Fuzhou Military Region is willing to contribute manpower and money to support the construction of the Yingxia Railway.

After the Military Commission meeting ended, Wei Hongjun immediately attended the meeting of the Finance and Economics Committee.

Because the socialist transformation of industry and commerce is a big thing.

It's not simply a matter of giving capitalists shares in a public-private partnership. The shares granted to capitalists, as well as the dividends, were not the same as those later implemented in joint-stock companies. Instead, the capitalists' factory assets were calculated, and their potential value, calculated based on interest rates, was estimated over a period of time. The same applies to dividends; it wasn't a matter of distributing a percentage of the factory's actual earnings each year.

In fact, they are all converted.

Even if the factory doesn't make a profit this year, or even loses money, it must still distribute dividends to the capitalists according to regulations. To put it bluntly, the so-called socialist transformation involves converting the assets of the capitalist factories into bank accounts, just as if they were deposited in a bank, except that the assets are held within the factory. After a certain calculation, the annual dividend is calculated based on the interest rate.

Some of these dividends last only twenty years, some last fifty years, or even longer.

Different industrial and commercial enterprises have different transformation plans, and some even have dividend distribution models that can be adjusted based on the circumstances.

If the transformation of capitalist industry and commerce is difficult enough, other types of enterprises are even more challenging. Even within publicly owned enterprises, there are a variety of situations. There are state-owned enterprises, collectively owned by the entire population, invested in by provinces, cities, counties, and even villages, and even more specific collective enterprises.

There are also many types of collective enterprises.

A rural cooperative is a cooperative collective enterprise. An industry cooperative formed by some craftsmen in the same industry is also a collective enterprise. Even a private-merchant joint venture collective enterprise is formed by some businessmen.

They all needed to be carefully distinguished and different policies needed to be adopted. Therefore, Chen Yun convened a meeting.

Although Wei Hongjun was not directly responsible for the transformation of capitalist industry and commerce, he was the first deputy director of the Finance and Economics Committee and the first deputy secretary of the Party Group. Therefore, he had to attend meetings on industrial and commercial transformation.

"Comrades, the most difficult situation now is the private business joint ventures."

Chen Yun spoke.

If it were just the socialist transformation of factories, it would be the simplest. After all, the target is only one person, or two or three bosses. But some joint ventures involve dozens or even hundreds of people. How should these enterprises be socialist transformed?

Even whether or not to carry out socialist transformation needs to be discussed.

"How do you think we should deal with this?" he asked. The Finance and Economics Committee categorizes private joint ventures into five types.

First, there was the public-private partnership model. When supply and marketing cooperatives were developing nationwide, some localities, in order to rapidly advance their work, chose to partner with local private companies. For example, many supply and marketing cooperatives absorbed grain, cloth, and cotton merchants who were willing to support New China.

These grain merchants, cloth merchants, and cotton merchants all have business channels.

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