Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

"At the beginning of the 'Suppression of Counterrevolutionaries' campaign, we stipulated that county-level agencies were not allowed to carry out the death penalty. Death sentences had to be approved by higher-level agencies. But once it reached the local level, some people couldn't stop.

It is my responsibility.

Marshal Nie immediately reviewed himself.

But Coach Nie also had a headache.

Although lower-level organizations were not given the power to massacre people, some places completely ignored orders from above. Furthermore, the most difficult thing about local authorities was that murders caused by personal vendettas were also a serious problem.

China's history in the past few decades has been too chaotic.

From the Xinhai Revolution, the Second Revolution, the National Protection Movement, the Protection of Law Movement, the Zhili-Anhui War, the Zhili-Fengtian War, the Northern Expedition, the Agrarian Revolution, the Central Plains War, the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, and the Liberation War—not to mention the Chiang Kai-shek War, the Chiang Kai-shek War, the Fengtian War, the Chiang Kai-shek War, and the numerous internal conflicts among the warlords—there was virtually no peace.

War brings killing.

You kill me, I kill you, back and forth, killing each other, resulting in too many irreconcilable enemies in one place. Previously, due to disciplinary reasons, many people were reluctant to take action. But the central government's "suppression of counter-revolutionaries" order was a good opportunity for many cadres.

They were already dissatisfied with the government's failure to liquidate "counter-revolutionaries, big and small." Given this perfect opportunity, they naturally chose to kill. After all, those they executed were already "counter-revolutionaries, big and small," or those who aided them.

Many things happened in the early days of the Liberation War, and many people believed that the Chinese Communist Party killed innocent people indiscriminately.

But often, it wasn't the central government's intention to settle accounts with those "counter-revolutionaries, big and small," because they were no longer eligible for central government liquidation. The real situation was that contradictions had been accumulating, accumulating, and finally exploding in the local areas. This was the result.

"This phenomenon must be stopped as soon as possible. Those who are between arrestable and non-arrestable must not be arrested, because arresting them would be a mistake; those who are between killable and non-killable must not be killed, because killing them would be a mistake. Especially when it comes to killing, we must be extremely cautious. Killing in local areas requires provincial approval, and killing in the military requires approval from the provincial military region. The head is not a leek; once it is cut, it will not grow back. As long as the person is alive, we have some opportunities to make amends for some wrongly convicted cases in the future. But once the person is gone, there will be no chance again."

"Yes."

Marshal Nie nodded.

In fact, in many places, accumulated contradictions have been released. In addition, Nie Shuai has been adjusting the situation, so the killings have decreased a lot.

After Marshal Nie and Gao Gang presented their work reports on the "Three Antis" and "Suppression of Counterrevolutionaries" campaigns, the third topic was Wei Hongjun's report. This time, the Chairman did not invite anyone to speak first. Instead, he spoke directly: "Comrades, Comrade Wei Hongjun went to Guangdong and wrote a report. It mainly discussed two issues. Everyone has read the report. I have also carefully considered it and have some things to discuss with you."

"First, let's talk about what Comrade Wei Hongjun called the 'Zhuge Liang meeting.' I think it's very well said. As the saying goes, one person's plan is short, two people's plan is long, and three people are better than Zhuge Liang. Our cadres are not omnipotent and all-knowing. There is no such person in this world, not even a saint. Since no one is omniscient and all-powerful, our cadres must learn to leverage the wisdom of the crowd. Therefore, the 'Zhuge Liang meeting' is particularly important. Comrade Wei Hongjun proposed that our government should hold a discussion meeting before every major construction project, forming a system. I think this is a very good proposal, right?"

“This is also a manifestation of democratic centralism.”

The Prime Minister interjected.

The chairman nodded.

He said, "Yes, this is democratic centralism. Some of our cadres only understand 'centralization,' forgetting that 'democracy' also comes before it. This won't work. 'Centralization' without 'democracy' is dictatorship. Of course, 'democracy' without 'centralization' is extreme democratization, and nothing can be accomplished. Our decision-making must have both 'democracy' and 'centralization.' We must have the 'democracy' of widely listening to the opinions of the people, but also the 'centralization' of taking responsibility for the revolution. Only in this way can we get our work done."

"But how do we embody 'democracy' and 'centralization'? Before we start any major project, we must listen to opinions from all sides. We must listen to both support and opposition. We must listen to both good and bad opinions. Only by listening to all opinions can we make a final decision and achieve 'centralization'."

"We must also have both 'great democracy' and 'small democracy.' 'Great democracy' means we must listen to the opinions of democratic figures outside the Party and the people. 'Small democracy' means that Party cadres should also fully express their opinions and dare to debate, and only then should we reach a consensus. Without 'great democracy,' we would have a one-party dictatorship. Without 'small democracy,' we would have a personal dictatorship. Therefore, we must have both 'great democracy' and 'small democracy.'"

"I've been thinking recently that Beijing has both advantages and disadvantages. The advantage is that it's a place where heroes gather, but the disadvantage is that it doesn't produce much knowledge. No matter how much you read, you won't gain true knowledge if you sit in an office all year round. To gain true knowledge, you still need people from the local areas. Local cadres come to Beijing and produce knowledge as soon as they speak. Why is that?"

"This is because Beijing has theories and principles but lacks practical application; local governments have practical application but lack a comprehensive understanding of the situation. Therefore, our work requires close integration between the top and the bottom. It would be best if Beijing officials could spend six months a year in the local areas to understand the real situation there. Local officials should also not just focus on their own small areas but learn to see problems from a higher perspective. This will enable them to make better decisions."

"Comrade Wei Hongjun, don't you agree?"

"Yes."

Wei Hongjun immediately replied, "There are some minor discrepancies between the information I saw in Beijing and what I learned personally during my field visits. As reports go through more links, and each cadre has their own interpretation, they tend to deviate from the original report. During this rubber campaign, I personally visited Guangdong, so I had access to more information. If I had stayed in Beijing to make the decision, I might have made the wrong one."

"That's right. Our cadres, not just central cadres, but also local cadres, cannot sit in the office all day long. They must actively participate in local research work. If their own work is really busy, then they must arrange for other cadres to conduct research and then listen to their reports." The demonstration meeting is actually this process. After all, our decision-making cadres do not have superhuman powers and know everything. Therefore, when making decisions, we must listen to the reports of front-line cadres and staff and understand the actual situation. Only in this way can the decision-making be correct. "

The Chairman started with the "debate meeting", talked about "democratic centralism", then talked about the work style of cadres, and finally returned to the matter about the "debate meeting": it seemed that he just talked about whatever came to his mind.

But it also sticks to the key points.

This is the characteristic of the Chairman’s speech.

Then the Chairman continued: "Let's talk about the issue of light industry funding raised by Wei Hongjun. One of the issues is the issue of overseas Chinese loans and investments. I think we should not be afraid on this issue. Some time ago, there was a report from the Baotou Iron and Steel Plant. They said that the No. 1 blast furnace of the Baotou Iron and Steel Plant was about to be successfully installed. Our officers and soldiers, workers, farmers, and Mongolian herders came to help. Everyone was very enthusiastic and hoped to build the first steel plant in Baotou. But they also said that the food in the cafeteria there was terrible because the daily workload was too large and the chefs had no time to prepare the dishes properly. In addition, the Baotou Iron and Steel Command did not have enough barbers, and there was not enough time to cut hair. Therefore, some craftsmen opened small restaurants and private barbers around the Baotou Iron and Steel Plant. The Baotou Iron and Steel Plant asked our Secretariat how to deal with this."

"If you ask me why we should deal with this, I think it's a good idea. Our country still has a free market economy, and its fundamental nature remains capitalist. It's developing because society needs it, and we can't stop it. Recently, some cadres have complained that some of our factories are making clothes with uneven legs, buttons without holes, and poor quality. In this situation, it's best to open private factories to compete with these state-owned enterprises. You can also open mom-and-pop shops, and hiring workers is not a problem. This is called the New Economic Policy. I suspect Russia's New Economic Policy ended too early, after only two years of retreat before switching to the offensive. As a result, the Soviet Union still lacks sufficient social supplies."

"Overseas Chinese are worried about us, fearing their assets will be lost. I think there's nothing to worry about. We can formulate policies to guarantee that overseas Chinese investments will not be confiscated for 20 or 100 years. They can set up investment companies and repay principal and interest. This can be state-owned or privately run. As long as there are raw materials and a market, it can be done. Currently, state-owned and joint-stock companies cannot meet social needs, and society lacks material resources. If there are raw materials, but the state faces difficulties in investment, and society needs them, we can support private investment."

"National accumulation relies primarily on industry, not agriculture. This year, our national budget revenue reached 24 billion yuan, but agriculture contributed only 3 billion yuan. Even with the gap between industrial and agricultural output, the total is only around 7 billion yuan. This means that my country is still an agricultural country, but agriculture's contribution to national finances and accumulation has begun to lag behind industry. This shows that industrialization is China's only path forward. However, current investment in my country is primarily in heavy industry, not light industry. This is unacceptable."

"Light industry can provide daily necessities. Therefore, the development of light industry is needed by the country and beneficial to the people, as it can increase the supply of industrial goods on the market. The development of light industry can also consolidate the alliance between workers and peasants, because peasants need industrial goods for exchange. At the same time, the development of light industry can also effectively stabilize prices and ensure market supply."

"So I think the comrades in the light industry sector are all great. Despite not receiving any financial support from the state, they are willing to actively seek new investment channels. This revolutionary enthusiasm is worthy of praise."

The Chairman's assessment of the current stage of development of New China is that it is currently in the intermediate stage between the New Democratic stage and the socialist offensive stage.

We are now in the New Democratic stage, but with the development of the rural cooperative economy and the urban public economy, socialist factors have been growing, and society is gradually entering the primary stage of socialism. In terms of economic policy in this stage, Chairman Mao supports Lenin's "New Economic Policy."

It should be said that until Khrushchev's "Secret Report" and the "Polish-Hungarian Incident," Chairman Mao's economic judgment had always been lenient. He was very supportive of Wei Hongjun's proposal to develop light industry.

With the support of the Chairman, the enlarged Politburo meeting decided that a "demonstration meeting" must be held before the major campaign. The procedures for this "demonstration meeting" and who should be invited to attend require further clarification.

Then Wei Hongjun's report on the development of light industry was approved.

The central government supported the light industry sector, developing processing industries with imported materials from the Soviet Union and Hong Kong. It also supported the Ministry of Light Industry in obtaining loans and investment from abroad. It even supported the development of some small, mom-and-pop shops to boost the economy.

(The Chairman's words are mainly excerpted from his conversation with leaders of the China Democratic National Construction Association and the China Federation of Industry and Commerce in 1956)

883 Petroleum Work Conference

After the expanded Politburo meeting, the Prime Minister quietly flew his negotiation team to India to meet with British Foreign Secretary Bevin. Both China and Britain wanted to quietly complete the negotiations. Nothing should happen during the negotiations; everything could be discussed afterward.

Mao Zemin, along with the Light Industry Department and the Ministry of Foreign Trade, began actively contacting the Soviet Ministry of Trade, hoping to negotiate with the Soviet Ministry of Foreign Trade to take on some orders that China could currently fulfill.

After careful study, the Ministry of Light Industry concluded that the simplest thing it could do was to establish a furniture factory. It decided to establish one in Manchuria to see if it could manufacture some furniture for the Soviet Union.

China could manufacture any furniture the Soviet Union wanted, as long as they gave them the blueprints. Labor is the least valuable commodity in China today. For many people in rural areas with limited land and a large population, simply having a job and enough food to eat is enough to satisfy them.

So, in addition to hiring some professional carpenters, we also recruited some young people from all over the country to work and let them learn how to be carpenters. With such a makeshift team, we can set up a simple furniture factory.

China doesn't have good wood, so don't worry. The Greater Khingan Range has plenty of good wood. Nor does it have a dye industry. We can ask the Soviet Union for help in building one. If that doesn't work, we can simply import dyes from the Soviet Union.

Anyway, the Ministry of Light Industry doesn’t want to make much money.

Instead, they should use this opportunity to develop their own furniture industry, then develop some supporting industries, and then support a sufficient number of workers. At the same time, they could gradually occupy the Soviet market and make Soviet people accustomed to Chinese-made furniture. Later, they could expand furniture trade with the Soviet Union.

Liao Chengzhi and Zhuang Xiquan would continue to be responsible for communicating with overseas Chinese. They would also prepare to establish the Guangdong Overseas Chinese Trust and Investment Company. Each had their own tasks to attend to.

But Wei Hongjun has other more important tasks.

The Ministry of Light Industry was just one of the departments under Wei Hongjun's charge, and it was impossible for him to focus solely on the Ministry of Light Industry's affairs every day. Wei Hongjun was currently convening a petroleum work conference, so the participants were mainly cadres from the Petroleum Industry Bureau and the Ministry of Geology.

They include Lin Dafeng, Minister of the Ministry of Fuel Industry, Yu Qiuli, Vice Minister of the Ministry of Fuel Industry and Director of the Petroleum Industry Bureau, and Xu Jinqiang, Deputy Director of the Petroleum Industry Bureau.

In addition to the cadres of the Ministry of Fuel Industry, there were also the Minister of Geology of China, the famous geologist Li Siguang, as well as the technical leaders of the National Mineral Resources Survey Committee, Huang Jiqing and Xie Jiarong, all of whom are currently well-known geological circles in China.

Because the oil issue is becoming more and more important.

Oil is currently one of the main commodities imported by the People's Republic of China. Over 200 million tons of oil are imported annually. Since China primarily imports oil from the Soviet Union, this costs tens of millions of rubles annually.

And 200 million tons is just the beginning.

With the increasing number of cars in China and the rapid development of the domestic petrochemical industry, the demand for oil has increased significantly. If China fails to discover oil fields domestically, the amount of oil it will need to import will likely be 30 tons, 500 million tons, or even 1000 million tons. By then, China's foreign exchange reserves will not even be able to afford oil.

With current development, it is increasingly necessary to discover oil as soon as possible.

"Vice Premier Wei, China's oil reserves should be abundant and the future prospects are promising." Li Siguang assured again.

Not long ago, Li Siguang submitted a report to the central government titled "The Prospects of Oil Exploration in my country from a Tectonic Perspective." In it, he proposed that "the major depressions in the New Cathaysia tectonic belt offer relatively good conditions for oil storage." He assured the central government that China was not an "oil-poor country" and that it possessed oil. Li Siguang's greatest concern was that the Chinese government, influenced by outsiders, would also believe that China lacked oil and gradually abandon its search for it. Therefore, Li Siguang constantly encouraged the government, telling them that China possessed oil and should not give up the search.

Li Siguang also presided over the Ministry of Geology's preparation of an exploration survey map, which recorded areas where the Ministry believed oil was likely to be found, and requested the central government to immediately conduct oil exploration throughout the country.

But the central government was currently overwhelmed with work. Although oil was important, the central government hadn't yet had time to address this issue. So, Wei Hongjun, as Vice Premier of the State Council in charge of the Ministry of Fuel Industry, presided over a meeting on oil work.

Li Siguang emphasized this matter again in front of Wei Hongjun.

Wei Hongjun looked at the national petroleum exploration census map submitted by the Ministry of Geology, checking to see if there were any oil fields he was familiar with.

At this time, Huang Jiqing said, "Vice Premier Wei, I think the petroleum exploration map of the Ministry of Geology is not comprehensive."

"oh?"

Wei Hongjun looked at Huang Jiqing.

Li Siguang became a household name in later generations. Whenever China's oil industry is mentioned, Li Siguang's name is indisputable. Everyone knows that it was his "terrestrial oil generation theory" that provided the theoretical foundation for the development of China's oil fields.

However, Wei Hongjun began directing China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) and had read a lot of information. He discovered that the first person to propose the "terrestrial oil generation theory" was Pan Zhongxiang, currently a professor at the newly established China University of Geosciences. Pan Zhongxiang, 45, also attended the meeting.

Moreover, Chinese geologists had been exploring for oil throughout China since the 1920s and 1930s, refusing to believe that China lacked oil. After Pan Zhongxiang proposed his "terrestrial oil generation theory," many domestic geologists also supported him.

The discovery of the Yumen Oilfield also supports the "terrestrial oil generation theory" in practice.

However, the Yumen Oilfield's influence was too small to attract widespread attention. Li Siguang's greatest contribution was his recognition and support of the "continental oil generation theory," which he applied to oil exploration in China. Huang Jiqing, who just spoke, is a geologist who has spent many years searching for oil in China and who has put the "continental oil generation theory" into practice.

However, almost no one in later generations knew Huang Jiqing.

However, Wei Hongjun, who was in charge of PetroChina, was aware of Huang Jiqing's standing in the domestic geological community. Huang Jiqing, 47, graduated from Peking University's Department of Geology and spent several years in field surveys. At the age of 28, he went to Switzerland to continue his geology studies and received his doctorate at the age of 31.

After returning to China, he became the Director of Geology at the Central Geological Survey. He discovered the Zixing Coalfield in Hunan. He later led the Northwest Petroleum Expedition, which led to the discovery of the Yumen Oilfield, further supporting the theory of continental oil generation. At the age of 33, he became Director of the Central Geological Survey.

Later, his main job was teaching at a university, while also compiling a geological map of China. This incorporated the results of his years of exploration into the map. After the Liberation Army, he became director of the Southwest Geological Bureau.

However, after Wei Hongjun took charge of the Ministry of Fuel Industry, he recruited important technical personnel from various regions to participate. Huang Jiqing and Xie Jiarong came to Beijing to participate in the establishment of the Ministry of Geology and the National Mineral Survey Committee.

Therefore, Wei Hongjun has great respect for Huang Jiqing.

These are technicians who have traveled thousands of miles across China on foot. Many of the petroleum survey maps currently produced by the Ministry of Geology are the work of Huang Jiqing and his colleagues. However, the Ministry has consistently neglected the Songliao Plain.

So at this meeting, Huang Jiqing directly raised the issue with Wei Hongjun. "Songliao Plain."

Huang Jiqing nodded and said, "Oil sands have been discovered in the Songliao Plain. The Japanese discovered oil sands in the Panjin area. It was precisely because of this discovery that the Japanese concluded that there was oil in Northeast China, and therefore conducted a large-scale oil field search there. The Japanese's search for oil fields was mainly based on the 'marine oil generation theory,' and they only looked for terrain that was consistent with 'marine oil generation.' We can follow the 'terrestrial oil generation theory' and search for oil fields in other areas. The Ministry of Geology should not exclude the Songliao Plain."

The Songliao Plain has two large oil fields.

One is the Daqing Oilfield and the other is the Liaohe Oilfield.

It should not be excluded.

Wei Hongjun looked at Li Siguang. Li Siguang replied, "Comrade Huang Jiqing has some truth to his words. Based on all aspects of the analysis, there's a high probability that there are oil fields in the Songliao Plain. However, the Ministry of Geology didn't choose the Songliao Plain for exploration because the Japanese had already conducted large-scale exploration in Northeast China. We were concerned that exploration in the Songliao Plain would be difficult. The current task of discovering oil is more pressing, so the Ministry of Geology didn't include the Songliao Plain on its exploration list."

Wei Hongjun nodded.

What Li Siguang said makes sense.

The Japanese have been searching for oil in the Songliao Plain for years. They've checked every possible location, but still haven't found any. So, it's a natural move to abandon the Songliao Plain and begin exploration elsewhere.

If Wei Hongjun didn't know history, he might even support Li Siguang. Huang Jiqing, somewhat anxiously, said, "Minister Li, I just said that the Japanese did survey Northeast China. However, they all used the 'marine oil generation' theory, primarily exploring areas that once had seas and rivers. And precisely because they've explored them, we can avoid them, which will be more beneficial for our next exploration."

Huang Jiqing really thinks that the Songliao Plain is the most suitable for exploration.

Huang Jiqing had explored the Northeast region twenty years earlier. Oil sands were occasionally discovered across the region, indicating that there were oil and gas reservoirs beneath it. Just like the Japanese discovered oil sands while mining coal in Panjin, they were so certain there must be an oil field beneath.

Unfortunately, they were exploring in the wrong direction.

In fact, the area where they unearthed the oil sands was across a mountain from what would later become the Liaohe Oilfield. The oil sands they unearthed were likely related to the Liaohe Oilfield. However, their belief in the "marine oil generation theory" led them to search for the oilfield in the exact opposite direction.