Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

But Wang Qiuyun said from the side, "I think it's fine. The old commander has a bad temper, and it's impossible to control his temper. But where did he go? We only know that he left the General Staff Headquarters, but we have no information on where he went specifically."

"The State Council will set up the Third Ministry of Machine Building Industry, and he may go there to serve as the minister." Yang Quanwu is a general in the army.

His sudden disappearance would raise questions not only within the Party and the military, but also within mainland China, where spies would be investigated. Although the Central Committee had established a Nuclear Industry Commission, it was kept secret. Therefore, the Central Committee prepared to establish the Third Ministry of Machine Building, with Yang Quanwu as its Minister.

But this is only in name.

The Nuclear Industry Commission is a department directly under the leadership of the Central Committee and the Secretariat.

The Nuclear Industry Commission's affairs are currently confidential. No more than twenty people in the central government know about this. So, even though the three of them have a good relationship, there are still certain rules they must adhere to.

Luo Renfa nodded and said, "When you go back, if you see Lao Yang, try to persuade him. This is not the time for war, so control your temper. Beijing is a place where the Chairman and the Party Central Committee are. It's not a place where you can act recklessly."

"If his personality changes, will he still be him?"

After going through so many things, Wei Hongjun gradually understood that Yang Quanwu was just that kind of person.

If you ask him to change his personality, will he still be Yang Quanwu in the future? Luo Renfa heard Wei Hongjun's words and said with a wry smile, "That's right. When he's in his fifties or sixties, I guess his personality will improve a bit." "Old Wei, what about the proposal made by General Peng at the Military Commission meeting?"

Wang Qiuyun asked Wei Hongjun.

Wang Qiuyun didn't really have any opinion on General Peng's proposal. If the Chairman said to cancel it, then cancel it. If the Chairman said not to cancel it, then Wang Qiuyun had no objection. However, Wang Qiuyun knew that Yang Quanwu had quarreled with General Peng over this matter.

Wei Hongjun said seriously, "General Peng and Director Luo have discussed this matter many times. Director Luo is firmly opposed to General Peng changing the internal affairs regulations. It's not clear what General Peng is thinking now. But with Director Luo's firm opposition, it probably won't pass. What about the Central South Military Region? Didn't the Soviet military experts raise any objections in this regard?"

"Yes. But Director Tan pushed it back."

Luo Renfa nodded.

He said: "With Director Tan here, nothing will happen in the Central South Military Region."

"It's not my business to ask."

Wei Hongjun quickly stopped talking about this.

Then they started chatting about some family matters. Wei Hongjun didn't get out of the car until they reached Deng Zhihui's office. "I'm really anxious this time," Wei Hongjun said sheepishly. "When things are over in South China, I'll treat you all to a nice drink when I get back."

"Okay, then we'll wait."

"Give my regards to Director Tan." "Okay."

There is no need to be too polite in relationships between people.

Just as Wei Hongjun and Li Shaocheng were about to enter the gate, they saw Deng Zhihui waiting for Wei Hongjun at the door. Seeing Wei Hongjun coming, Deng Zhihui stepped forward and said, "Welcome."

"Secretary Deng, excuse me for interrupting you."

"It's all about work."

We were all familiar with each other, so there was no need to argue. Besides, Wei Hongjun's time was truly valuable. The South China Reclamation Bureau had been continuously reclaiming wasteland. They hadn't stopped reclaiming land just because of Wei Hongjun's rejection or the Chairman's telegram.

This wasn't to say the South China Reclamation Bureau didn't take the Chairman and Wei Hongjun seriously. It was simply that once this thing started, it wouldn't be easy to stop. After everyone sat down, Wei Hongjun said bluntly, "Secretary Deng, have you read the document I sent you?"

Wei Hongjun must get Deng Zhihui's consent for this matter.

Deng Zhihui was the first secretary of the Central South Bureau and a member of the Standing Committee of the Rural Work Committee. With his support, the upcoming rubber battle meeting would be more secure.

Wei Hongjun must stop this.

The historically vigorous rubber war not only severely damaged the ecological environment in Guangdong and Guangxi, but also razed most of the planted rubber trees because those areas simply could not support rubber trees.

Moreover, the price of rubber on the world market plummeted immediately after the Korean War ended in 1953. This change occurred when the Soviet Union was already able to buy cheap natural rubber on the world market.

The Soviet Union immediately negotiated with China and tore up the "Rubber Agreement".

As a result, China lost over 8000 million yuan in losses from the Rubber War alone. For the next few years, the South China Reclamation Bureau continued to foot the bill, incurring millions of yuan annually for five or six consecutive years. In total, this reckless expansion cost the country over 1954 million yuan in financial losses. Consequently, the South China Reclamation Bureau repeatedly reduced its target, ultimately reducing the original 700 million mu (approximately 1961 million acres) of planting area in 200 to million mu (approximately million acres) by .

It wasn't until the 1960s that the aftermath of the Rubber War was finally digested, but of course this was only an economic aftermath.

There were even more serious aftereffects. The massive rubber campaign not only saw some troops directly transformed into production corps, but also saw the mobilization of over 40 migrant workers to work on rubber plantations. The result was a shambles, with only to workers remaining, while the rest were all laid off. Even the troops that had been transformed into production corps were forced to retire.

Because the South China Reclamation Administration simply could not afford to support so many workers.

The consequences were disastrous.

The Party and government were no longer keeping their word. After all, they had happily become state workers, only to be laid off. In total, nearly 40 workers and production corps officers and soldiers were laid off. Wei Hongjun couldn't let this happen.

Wei Hongjun was about to persuade Deng Zhihui when he spoke first, "Vice Premier Wei, although I wasn't in charge of this rubber campaign, it was still under the jurisdiction of the Central South Bureau. I do have some responsibility, and I supported the plan at the time. I didn't expect that I'd get carried away so soon after liberation."

"Secretary Deng, do you agree with my point of view?"

"Ah."

Deng Zhihui said with shame, "I was indeed too simplistic about this issue. After reading the documents you sent me, I thought about it all night, and you're right. When we heard that the Soviet Union was willing to support technical experts and even provide a loan of 100 million rubles, we all lost our composure. If you hadn't stepped forward, we don't know how much of the people's hard-earned money would have been wasted. You did the right thing in this matter, and you saved the property that was precious to the Party and the country."

Deng Zhihui is a man of noble character.

This is the opinion of Wei Hongjun and Deng Zhihui after their contact.

During the Central Soviet Area, when the Soviet-educated faction was in power, Deng Zhihui remained committed to the truth and consistently supported Chairman Mao's correct views. Despite experiencing several ups and downs in the Central Soviet Area, he ultimately remained there to fight guerrilla warfare. During the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, he was influenced by Wang Ming at the New Fourth Army headquarters, but Deng Zhihui consistently supported the Central Committee's policy and joined General Chen in establishing a base in Jiangbei.

Needless to say, he had arguments with the Chairman after liberation.

He disagreed with the Chairman's opinion and argued with him constantly. So much so that the Chairman remarked during a meeting that he had been criticized by Deng Zhihui for over an hour. This reveals Deng Zhihui's character. Furthermore, Deng Zhihui was not the type of cadre to abandon his duties after being criticized or politically wronged.

Although he disagreed with the Chairman's large-scale expansion of the cooperative, after failing to convince him, he did not passively resist or pretend to obey. Instead, he made his position clear and expressed his opposition. But since the decision had been made, he resolutely completed the task. Worried about potential problems along the way, he spent almost half his time conducting research in various rural areas.

That's it now.

When Deng Zhihui realized that Wei Hongjun's views were correct, he did not insist on it. Instead, he apologized very sincerely and admitted his mistake.

"Vice Premier Wei, there is one issue that must be addressed. Soviet experts have been asking us to expand our planting area. How should we respond?"

Wei Hongjun said: "I have thought about it carefully. The Soviet Union has indeed been of great help this time. One hundred million rubles of agricultural machinery will be of great help to us in land reclamation. We can formulate a land reclamation plan and set up some large-scale state-owned mechanized farms. We can let the Soviet experts see the results of these land reclamation efforts. On the other hand, we must argue with the Soviet experts on the actual planting of rubber trees. We cannot plant for the sake of planting. We must take advantage of this opportunity of large-scale rubber planting to accumulate more experience. Therefore, we must not be careless on this issue. This way, the Soviet experts will have no energy to take care of the affairs of other farms. As long as we delay for a while, and changes occur on the Korean battlefield, that will be enough."

"So how do we set the goals for this meeting?"

“1954年之前种植200万亩，1956年之前种植400万亩，1960年的时候种植800万亩。”

"What about the reality?"

"We will try our best to complete the planting of 1954 million mu by 100. However, we still need to conduct on-site inspections and listen to the opinions of technical personnel." Deng Zhihui nodded.

Dao: "It is true, but this cannot be spread."

876 Hainan first, then the mainland

Wei Hongjun really rushed to the Leizhou Peninsula this time. He didn't even have dinner with Luo Renfa, Wang Qiuyun and others in Wuhan, nor did he visit some old comrades. He came directly to the Leizhou Peninsula.

Because the Leizhou Peninsula is currently the headquarters of the South China Reclamation Bureau, it serves as the core location for its rubber plantations. Located at the southernmost tip of mainland China, the Leizhou Peninsula boasts a suitable climate and, importantly, boasts over 400 million mu (approximately acres) of plains. While other areas are not plains, the terrain is gently sloping, making it suitable for mechanized farming. Therefore, the South China Reclamation Bureau chose this area as the location for large-scale mechanized rubber plantations.

Although he was in a hurry when he arrived at the Leizhou Peninsula, Wei Hongjun did not, as many people expected, immediately convene a meeting to redeploy the rubber campaign. This was not Wei Hongjun's style.

Although Wei Hongjun had reviewed the information on the rubber campaign and rejected the South China Reclamation Administration's proposal, the information was, after all, only written material and did not represent a complete understanding of the rubber campaign. Having arrived on the Leizhou Peninsula, he naturally had to conduct some personal research. Even Marshal Ye was baffled by Wei Hongjun's approach.

Marshal Ye originally thought that Wei Hongjun came to the Leizhou Peninsula to act like a senior central government official.

But not really.

Wei Hongjun visited Marshal Ye and consulted him on some issues concerning the rubber campaign. He then explained that the Central Committee's rejection of the South China Reclamation Administration's plan stemmed from concerns about the rubber campaign. He then began frequent contact with cadres and technical personnel from various parties involved in the rubber campaign.

Because this is the fastest way to understand the situation.

Deng Zhihui, on the other hand, did not express much opinion, but just followed Wei Hongjun to participate in the research.

Although Wei Hongjun and Deng Zhihui had some disagreements and arguments regarding mutual aid groups and cooperatives, these were normal work-related arguments and did not in the least affect their collaborative work. Both had personally established and managed bases, and particularly had extensive experience in rural work. Therefore, they shared many common working styles, emphasizing investigation and research.

The cadres and technicians who participated in the rubber campaign, including local workers and farmers, possessed firsthand information. Perhaps due to their rank and position, their observations and observations were only partial. However, summarizing these observations provides a more accurate picture than simply reading written reports.

Wei Hongjun wrote down their opinions one by one, and then carefully analyzed the current situation. After that, Wei Hongjun asked Le Tianyu to gather some technical backbones for a meeting again. "Vice Premier Wei, I have something to say."

When everyone was expressing their opinions, He Kang spoke loudly. Wei Hongjun was surprised when he saw him.

While in Beijing, Wei Hongjun had sent He Kang to Yunnan to investigate areas suitable for coffee cultivation and the potential for developing the coffee industry. He had also contacted the South China Reclamation Bureau at the time, and unexpectedly, he saw him again on this trip to the Leizhou Peninsula. He had assumed he'd be gone from Yunnan this time.

However, although he was surprised, Wei Hongjun did not ask.

He said naturally, "Comrade He Kang, please speak."

He Kang was not only a technical expert, but also, thanks to his years of underground work raising supplies for the army, he also understood business and management, and was very effective in this area in Shanghai. He was a promising talent for technical management.

"Vice Premier Wei, do we have to plant rubber in the Guangdong and Guangxi mainland first?" Wei Hongjun thought for a moment and said, "There is no such regulation."

"Then I think the mainland of Guangdong and Guangxi isn't very suitable for rubber planting, or rather, the decision is flawed. Even the Leizhou Peninsula, the focus of the current rubber war, isn't the best place for rubber planting at this stage. Internationally, it's generally accepted that natural rubber planting shouldn't exceed 17 degrees north latitude, as the most suitable locations for natural rubber growth in Southeast Asia are all below that latitude. However, the southernmost tip of the Leizhou Peninsula is already at 17 degrees north latitude. Currently, no region in the world has successfully grown natural rubber at 21 degrees north latitude, so the technology to do so is lacking. China is in the same situation now. Without the foundation, technology, or experience, how can we achieve large-scale natural rubber planting in a short period of time? The Leizhou Peninsula is the southernmost point in mainland Guangdong and Guangxi, and the most suitable location for natural rubber cultivation. Compared to the Leizhou Peninsula, other mainland areas in Guangdong and Guangxi are at higher latitudes, making planting more difficult. We're concentrating our efforts, investing so much money, and so many people in a single-minded effort focused on mainland Guangdong and Guangxi. I think this is problematic."

Wei Hongjun had just established the He Kang in Beijing some time ago, but He Kang did not raise any opinions in this regard at that time.

Why did Wei Hongjun suddenly bring up this issue after arriving? But now wasn't the time to pursue these questions, so Wei Hongjun said, "Comrade He Kang, please continue. Where do you think is the best place to plant rubber?"

“Hainan Island.”

He Kang said with certainty: "At present, the most suitable place for rubber planting in my country is Hainan Island. The southernmost tip of Hainan Island is 18 degrees north latitude, and even the northernmost tip is 20 degrees north latitude, which is more suitable for natural rubber planting than the southernmost area of ​​Leizhou Peninsula. Moreover, Hainan Island already has quite mature rubber planting technology and experience. Natural rubber planting on Hainan Island has been going on for a long time and covers a large area. After the liberation of Hainan Island, we conducted a special statistics on the natural rubber situation on Hainan Island. At that time, the natural rubber planting area of ​​the entire Hainan Island had reached 3.63 mu, with 106.65 plants planted. After several years of recovery, the rubber plantation area on Hainan Island has now exceeded 12 mu (approximately 380 hectares), with approximately million rubber plants planted. This demonstrates that rubber cultivation is feasible on Hainan Island, and can be done on a large scale. Many areas on Hainan Island, if successfully reclaimed, are highly suitable for rubber cultivation. Both the climate and the soil are ideal for rubber cultivation in China. If the central government could direct the manpower and resources invested elsewhere to Hainan Island, it would truly achieve twice the result with half the effort. I propose that the rubber campaign focus on Hainan Island, with Guangdong, Guangxi, and Yunnan serving as supplementary resources.

He Kang had been wanting to say this for a long time. Ever since he arrived in South China to participate in the rubber war, he had always attached great importance to investigation. After some investigation, he had always believed that the current overall strategy was problematic.

Afterwards, He Kang communicated with many technical personnel.

After Le Tianyu arrived in South China, He Kang and Le Tianyu had frequent contact. After their investigation, both agreed that Hainan Island was the most suitable place for rubber cultivation, rather than the current Leizhou Peninsula.

However, He Kang's report was rejected by the South China Reclamation Bureau. The bureau directly told He Kang that large-scale rubber planting on the Leizhou Peninsula was a major national strategy. As a technical officer, He Kang's priority was to lead his technical staff in improving the survival rate of rubber trees and increasing rubber production.

So, during his last trip to Beijing, he and Le Tianyu mainly discussed the current problems with rubber planting on the Leizhou Peninsula, but didn't discuss this aspect. Since this is a major central government strategy, there's no point in discussing it.

But he soon heard the news.

The South China Reclamation Bureau's ambitious planting plan was rejected, and Wei Hongjun was ordered to personally travel south to preside over the rubber campaign meeting. He Kang then realized that the large-scale rubber planting in Guangdong and Guangxi was a decision made by the South China Reclamation Bureau, not a decision made by the central government. Given this, there was still hope. Especially with Wei Hongjun representing the central government in the south to preside over the rubber campaign, He Kang saw this as a good opportunity.

So I brought it up boldly.

"Everyone knows Hainan is more suitable for rubber cultivation. However, when the South China Reclamation Administration made its plans, they took security into consideration. Hainan is an island, after all, and our navy is weak. If something were to happen, we might be out of reach. Therefore, the strategy was to 'focus on the mainland first, then Hainan.'"

Deng Zhihui whispered an explanation to Wei Hongjun beside him.

Wei Hongjun nodded.

Wei Hongjun has read this report.

At the time, he hadn't thought much of it, but now, after listening to He Kang's words, Wei Hongjun began to understand why the great rubber wars in history ended so disastrously. It was because most of the mainland areas of Guangdong and Guangxi were unsuitable for rubber cultivation. At least not at this stage.

It was not until China had made continuous attempts and accumulated sufficient experience that it was able to successfully plant it in the Guangdong and Guangxi mainland areas. After He Kang finished speaking, Wei Hongjun asked him to sit down first.

Then he looked at Le Tianyu. Although Wei Hongjun knew He Kang, who had once worked at the Ministry of Forestry, it was only an acquaintance. He Kang had been involved in the revolution in East China for many years, and Wei Hongjun had limited contact with him. Compared to him, Wei Hongjun trusted Le Tianyu more.

During the Jin-Cha-Ji Great Production Movement, Wei Hongjun and Le Tianyu had many contacts. He was a very responsible cadre.

Le Tianyu stood up and said, "Vice Premier Wei, I agree with Comrade He Kang's statement. With our current technical capabilities, there are many problems in planting natural rubber on a large scale in the Guangdong and Guangxi mainland. In other words, it is not the right time to plant rubber on a large scale in the Guangdong and Guangxi regions. In comparison, we already have considerable planting experience in Hainan Island and have accumulated a lot of technical knowledge. If the rubber campaign is held in Hainan Island, it will definitely be more suitable than planting natural rubber in other parts of Guangdong and Guangxi."

They had been wanting to suggest this for a long time.