Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

"Secretary Wei, my country is under immense pressure following the signing of the Sino-Soviet 'Supplementary Rubber Agreement.' After all, according to the agreement, if we are unable to supply the Soviet Union with 1956 to 1.5 tons of natural rubber starting in 2, we will have no choice but to pay the Soviet Union huge sums of money by purchasing natural rubber from abroad."

Li Shaocheng felt that he was wronged.

But after hearing Li Shaocheng's explanation, Wei Hongjun flew into a rage. Although Li Shaocheng had been Wei Hongjun's old subordinate for many years, Wei Hongjun still criticized him mercilessly: "Comrade Li Shaocheng, you must remember that you are the Minister of Agriculture, a member of the Standing Committee of the Rural Work Committee, and a Party member. The current national rubber strategy is facing problems. As a Party member and Minister of Agriculture, you have an obligation to provide professional opinions to the Party Central Committee and the State Council for reference. If you only make decisions based on the attitudes of those above, then what do I need you, the Minister of Agriculture, for? Just find someone who just follows orders."

It had been many years since Li Shaocheng became Minister of Agriculture, and it was Wei Hongjun who had come down hard on him.

But Li Shaocheng felt guilty, as he had been feeling bad about this matter before. Now, after being scolded by Wei Hongjun, Li Shaocheng immediately reflected on himself: "Secretary Wei, it's my fault. I thought too much." Wei Hongjun criticized Li Shaocheng for his own good.

After liberation, many cadres gradually began to drift toward bureaucracy. One major reason for this was that no one criticized them when they made mistakes. Initially, they might have reflected on their actions, but once no one around them criticized them, they gradually abandoned those reflections. From then on, they became bureaucrats who only knew how to flatter their superiors.

Li Shaocheng is an agricultural cadre that Wei Hongjun is very optimistic about.

This was a cadre with vision, ability, and a strong sense of determination. Wei Hongjun didn't want him to become a bureaucrat who only knew how to observe and guess the thoughts of his superiors.

"Comrade Wei Hongjun, the Sino-Soviet 'Supplementary Rubber Agreement' has been signed. Even if the South China Reclamation Administration's plans are a bit aggressive, they must be pushed forward. American imperialism is blockading and encircling the socialist countries, and natural rubber has become a vital resource in the socialist camp, on par with steel, oil, and coal."

Deng Xixian spoke.

Deng Xixian's recent work has been with the Planning Commission, which is formulating the first five-year plan. He is actually quite busy.

When Wei Hongjun was in North Korea, Deng Xixian served as acting director of the Rural Work Committee, but apart from criticizing the Central-South Bureau for wanting to stop the mutual aid groups, he left the daily work to Li Shaocheng.

So he is not very clear about the development of the rubber industry.

He simply considered the rubber campaign part of the First Five-Year Plan, as it was crucial for the socialist camp to escape the blockade of US imperialism. Deng Xixian had a taste of Wei Hongjun's work style today.

Comrade Chen Yun was the first to approve the rubber strategy and the rubber campaign. He then reported it to the Central Committee, and ultimately, the Chairman approved it. That's why the South China Reclamation Bureau was tasked with making the plan. Now that Wei Hongjun objects, we need to convince the Chairman and negate the rubber strategy previously approved by Comrade Chen Yun.

Deng Xixian advised Wei Hongjun, explaining the importance of natural rubber within the socialist camp. "Let's put this aside for now. I need to talk to Comrade Chen Yun."

Without Wei Hongjun's signature, the report of the South China Reclamation Bureau could not be passed by the Rural Work Committee.

871 veto 2

After the meeting, Wei Hongjun kept Li Shaocheng.

Li Shaocheng saw Wei Hongjun's grim expression, so he immediately said, "Secretary Wei, this is my fault. I didn't insist." "Comrade Shaocheng, my criticism just now was a bit too harsh."

Wei Hongjun tried to appease Li Shaocheng, but still said: "You are the Minister of Agriculture. If there are any changes in my work in the future, you must also take charge of the work of the Rural Work Committee. The countryside is different from other places. It is the foundation of our country. For a long time to come, our country's rural population will still far exceed the urban population. Moreover, our country is still a country that has not yet solved the problem of food and clothing. The problem of food and clothing has also been a problem that has troubled our party for many years. But how to solve the problem of food and clothing, the countryside is the top priority. The consequences of some problems in other issues may not be so serious. But once there is a problem in the countryside, in agriculture, it will be fatal. Therefore, when dealing with rural and agricultural issues, we must seek truth from facts. What is is what it is. Never lie about rural issues because of other factors. Do you understand what I mean?"

This is really what Wei Hongjun has been worried about.

For example, when Wei Hongjun was supervising the Three Antis Movement in East China, he had a wonderful conversation with Zeng Xisheng, the Secretary of the Anhui Provincial Party Committee. Wei Hongjun was deeply impressed by Zeng Xisheng's profound knowledge, understanding of Anhui Province, and plans for its future development.

This is truly a very capable cadre.

So Wei Hongjun really couldn't understand at that time how such an outstanding cadre like Zeng Xisheng could have such serious problems during the Great Leap Forward.

But three years after the founding of the People's Republic of China, Wei Hongjun slowly began to understand. To put it bluntly, it was bureaucracy at work. They began to forget their original intentions when they joined the revolution. After serving as senior cadres for a period of time, they gradually began to consider only the opinions of those above them and their own political future. They forgot that they were Party cadres and began to become detached from the masses.

That's the problem.

Wei Hongjun doesn't want Li Shaocheng to be like this.

Because Li Shaocheng's responsibilities are more important. He is in charge of agriculture, and even as a member of the Standing Committee of the Rural Work Committee, he is also responsible for rural work. If this is not done in a realistic way, the consequences will be very serious.

"Secretary Wei, I understand."

"Your main focus lately has been on issues concerning mutual aid groups and cooperatives. You should send staff to investigate these areas, and you should also spend several months each year conducting research in rural areas. See what problems exist in the development of mutual aid groups and cooperatives. Only accurate investigative reports can guide sound policies. You must not become a cadre who only knows how to sit in an office and sign and stamp documents."

"Yes."

"Before the Eighth Congress next year, I want to see the most accurate investigation report. After the Eighth Congress, the First Five-Year Plan will be formally established, and the issues of mutual aid groups and cooperatives will also be discussed."

"Yes."

After pacifying Li Shaocheng, Wei Hongjun went to find Chen Yun. "Comrade Wei Hongjun, this is a major matter concerning the overall situation between China and the Soviet Union." Chen Yun was also troubled.

Chen Yun knew that following the South China Reclamation Bureau's plan would be extremely wasteful. Planting even one million acres of rubber trees would be considered reckless in China, let alone seven or eight million acres.

Chinese experts are only just beginning to understand the characteristics of Brazilian and Indian rubber. Since the founding of the People's Republic of China, the government has prioritized rubber cultivation. Starting in 1948, China imported large quantities of rubber seeds from Brazil, India (Sri Lanka), and Southeast Asia for small-scale plantings, aiming to understand the diverse characteristics of rubber trees and identify the most suitable locations for rubber growth.

But the time is still too short.

It has only been three years so far.

Of course, after three years of cultivation and planting, we have indeed accumulated a wealth of experience, and the time has come for large-scale rubber tree planting. However, given China's current technological capabilities, planting 200,000 to 300,000 mu (approximately 1,000 hectares) is the most appropriate. This will allow for further observation of the performance of Brazilian and Indian rubber trees, and also allow China to gain experience in large-scale rubber planting.

After success, the scale will be expanded to about one million acres.

This is normal.

But now Chinese technicians want to plant seven or eight million acres of rubber trees for political reasons without fully understanding the various aspects of Brazilian rubber and Indian rubber, and without any experience in large-scale rubber tree planting.

Don't even think about it, there will definitely be problems with more than half of them. But there is no way.

China is the only country in the socialist camp that can plant rubber trees.

The entire socialist camp was watching China. After all, the Soviet Union needed natural rubber, as did the socialist countries of Eastern Europe. So, despite the many problems, Chen Yun, while presiding over the State Council, still approved the rubber strategy.

Wei Hongjun now feels this is problematic, and Chen Yun understands.

Wei Hongjun wasn't just a military cadre; he had always performed well in Party and government work. He was no stranger to rural affairs or economic issues. He was also the most supportive of economic accounting within the State Council. He immediately spotted problems with this plan.

So Chen Yun was not surprised that Wei Hongjun discovered the problem, so he explained it to Wei Hongjun.

"Comrade Chen Yun, the reason the Soviet Union is so eager to sign the 'Supplementary Rubber Agreement' with my country is actually because it saw the price of natural rubber on the world market was shocked after the Korean War. But Comrade Chen Yun, the Korean War will not last long. The Americans' strategic focus is always in Europe, and they cannot afford to spend a long time on the Korean Peninsula. As soon as the Korean War ends, the price of natural rubber will naturally fall. The blockade of the socialist countries by US imperialism will naturally loosen. At that time, the Soviet Union will be able to purchase natural rubber at a low price. Do you think the Soviet Union will still abide by the 'Sino-Soviet Rubber Supplementary Agreement' at that time?"

In the "Rubber Supplementary Agreement" signed between China and the Soviet Union, China was required to repay the Soviet Union's 20 million ruble loan with tons of natural rubber. Natural rubber prices are currently very high.

Because the Soviet Union couldn't buy natural rubber from the regular market, the natural rubber it was able to sell to the Soviet Union, which was able to circumvent the US blockade, was very expensive, several times higher than the market price. To support the Soviet Union, China, after signing the "Supplementary Rubber Agreement," sent the Soviet Union 10,000 tons of natural rubber from its Chinese government reserves. Furthermore, through China's trade networks in Southeast Asia, it helped the Soviet Union purchase a significant amount of natural rubber.

The Soviet Union signed the "Supplementary Rubber Agreement" based on the current market price, reducing the price slightly.

However, once the Korean War was over, the price of natural rubber would plummet to a fraction of its current market price. By then, the US blockade of the Soviet Union would not be as tight as it is now, and the Soviet Union would be able to purchase natural rubber through normal channels.

By then, the Sino-Soviet "Rubber Supplementary Agreement" would cause the Soviet Union to suffer great losses.

The Soviet Union agreed to use 20 tons of natural rubber to repay a 20 million ruble loan because, based on current market prices, the total value of 20 tons of natural rubber exceeds million rubles. However, once the price of natural rubber drops, the value of tons of natural rubber might only be or million rubles. How could the Soviet Union engage in such a loss-making deal?

If the Soviet Union wants to cancel the "Rubber Supplementary Agreement" at that time, will China be able to object?

"Comrade Chen Yun, the Soviet Union can terminate the rubber supplementary agreement with us at any time. However, we have cultivated so many rubber plantations, and most of them will be abandoned. How much money will we lose then?"

Chen Yun frowned.

Think about what Wei Hongjun said.

Chen Yun was well-versed in economic principles and was somewhat persuaded by Wei Hongjun's advice. Indeed, just as Wei Hongjun had said, once the Korean War ended, global natural gas prices would inevitably fall. This wasn't a difficult prediction.

This has been the price of natural rubber since the 20th century.

Whenever there's a war, like during World War I and World War II, the price of natural rubber rises dramatically. Rubber traders become world-class tycoons. But as soon as the war ends, the price falls.

After World War II, the price of natural rubber continued to decline. While production had plummeted due to the war, prices remained relatively stable. However, with the outbreak of the Korean War, prices skyrocketed several times.

But Chen Yun still couldn't make a judgment.

If this judgment is wrong, it will affect the country's grand strategy. After the Korean War ends, even if the price drops, the socialist countries will still not be able to obtain cheap natural rubber. What will happen then?

The Soviet Union and Eastern European socialist countries hold China accountable, so who will take this responsibility?

Wei Hongjun saw Chen Yun's expression and immediately said, "Comrade Chen Yun, I can guarantee that the price of natural rubber will drop after the Korean War, and the Soviet Union will definitely be able to purchase natural rubber from the world market."

"Comrade Red Army, we shouldn't jump to conclusions on this matter."

"Comrade Chen Yun, as long as you agree, I will go and persuade the Chairman on this matter. As for matters concerning the South China Reclamation Bureau, our Rural Work Committee will be fully responsible for handling them." Wei Hongjun understood that Chen Yun did not want to be involved in this matter.

After all, the Eighth National Congress is coming soon.

Chen Yun could ignore this matter. His main job wasn't here anyway. He was the director of the Finance and Economics Committee and the Planning Committee. His main job was to formulate the national economic plan.

But Wei Hongjun could not avoid it.

Wei Hongjun was not only the Secretary of the Rural Work Committee, but also in charge of the Ministry of Agriculture and the Ministry of Forestry. Rubber plantations were managed by the Ministry of Forestry. Of course, Wei Hongjun's Party principles would not allow the South China Reclamation Bureau to waste so much state funds, which would also cause the Party and government to lose the trust of the people. After all, they had mobilized so many people to join the South China Reclamation Bureau as workers, only to have them laid off later.

How do you let those people see it?

Wei Hongjun went to Chen Yun, but Yun wasn't asking him to come forward. He was just saying hello to Chen Yun, letting him know that he wasn't targeting him. In fact, given Wei Hongjun's current rank and position, he could have reported directly to the Chairman.

Although the Rural Work Committee was under the Executive Yuan, only the Premier had the authority to intervene within the Executive Yuan. Others, such as Marshal Chen Yun and Marshal Nie, had no connection to the Rural Work Committee. However, the Premier's primary responsibility was diplomacy, and he would preside over Military Commission meetings on behalf of the Chairman when important matters arose.

Therefore, Wei Hongjun is fully qualified to discuss rural work directly with the Chairman.

But Wei Hongjun still had to give face to Chen Yun.

After all, the previous rubber strategy was approved under the leadership of Chen Yun. Wei Hongjun's attitude towards Chen Yun was understandable, but he was also somewhat disappointed. Chen Yun had actually made significant contributions to the Great Steelmaking Movement.

1958年制定1959年钢铁指标的时候，主席说能不能达到2700万吨，争取3000万吨。不过当时担任第一机械工业部部长的赵陆在会后跟主席说，1959年能有1600万吨就不错了。所以主席降低了调门，把1959年的钢铁指标下降到2000万吨左右。

Later, Chen Yun told the Chairman that reaching 2000 million tons was absolutely impossible. So the Chairman lowered the steel production target again, to 1800 million tons. However, Chen Yun refused to allow the newspapers to publish this target, and he again persuaded the Chairman that it was too high.

He presented various data to convince the Chairman, and at the Seventh Session of the Eighth Central Committee, the target was further reduced to 1650 million tons. While the Chairman agreed, many cadres disagreed. It was only with Chen Yun's strong support that the 1650 million ton target was finally approved at the meeting.

Even so, Chen Yun was still not satisfied and tried to persuade the Chairman again. So not long after the Seventh Session of the Eighth Central Committee, the Central Committee held another meeting and reduced the target to 1300 million tons.

Even before the Lushan Conference, Chairman Mao stated, "In times of national crisis, we need good generals; in times of poverty, we need good wives. Comrade Chen Yun is quite knowledgeable about economic work, so it would be better to let him take charge of planning and financial work."

However, now that the plan of the South China Reclamation Bureau has such obvious problems, Chen Yun is not willing to speak out.

Seeing Wei Hongjun's resolute attitude, Chen Yun thought for a moment and said, "Comrade Wei Hongjun, have you ever thought about the fact that the Soviet Union has sent many experts to guide rubber planting? The Soviet Union is watching."

"It's not a big deal."

Wei Hongjun dared to come forward, which meant that there were already sufficient solutions. So what if the Soviet Union sent experts?

This is China, after all. Without our Chinese comrades, the Soviet experts wouldn't know a thing. You're not saying we need to plant rubber first when reclaiming seven or eight million mu of wasteland. After that, can we plant other things?

There are ways to avoid it.

But the Soviet loan cannot be wasted. The Soviet Union used this loan to send a large amount of agricultural machinery to China. How could one hundred million rubles of agricultural machinery be wasted?

Chen Yun sighed.

But he didn't say anything else.

Wei Hongjun knew that this was Chen Yun's way of saying that he would not interfere in this matter. So he said, "Comrade Chen Yun, I'll be leaving first."

872 Le Tianyu complains

Empty words are of no use in convincing the Chairman.

The Chairman attached great importance to the investigation report, so Wei Hongjun naturally had to be prepared. Wei Hongjun first discussed the current situation of rubber plantation reclamation with Liang Xi, Minister of Forestry, and Li Fanwu, First Deputy Minister and Party Secretary of the Ministry of Forestry.

In the rubber war, the Ministry of Forestry was nominally the commander-in-chief. The South China Reclamation Bureau was nominally under the Ministry of Forestry.

But in reality, the Ministry of Forestry had no control over this matter, as it was a major strategic initiative formulated by the central government, and the director of the South China Reclamation Bureau was Ye Shuai, the current deputy secretary of the Central South Bureau and commander of the Central South Military Region.