Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

The Chairman agreed with Wei Hongjun and Deng Guo. On May 1951, 5, China celebrated the third anniversary of its founding. On this auspicious day, China announced its victory in the Korean War, adding further joy to the National Day celebrations. At the same time, the Premier stated that China was very willing to negotiate with the United States for peace on the Korean Peninsula.

1951年5月2日，中朝军队联合司令部对于李奇微的声明做出了回应，表示愿意进行停战谈判。很快双方派出代表沟通之后，决定在1951年5月8日开始进行第一次的谈判。1951年5月8日，中朝代表和美军代表在原州见面。

The US is currently at a disadvantage on the Korean Peninsula, so it has made many concessions. For example, the US military is willing to hold negotiations in Wonju, which is controlled by the Chinese military.

The chief negotiating representative of the United Nations forces was Vice Admiral Turner Joy, Commander of the U.S. Navy in the Far East. Other representatives were Major General Orlin Burke, Deputy Chief of Staff of the U.S. Navy in the Far East, Major General Lawrence Krech, Deputy Commander of the U.S. Air Force in the Far East, Major General Henry Hodge, Deputy Chief of Staff of the U.S. Eighth Army, and Major General Paik Sun-yup, Commander of the 8st Corps of Syngman Rhee's puppet army.

There were five Chinese and North Korean representatives in total, and the North Korean delegation was led by General Nam Il, who had a rich resume.

A Korean citizen of Soviet descent, he joined the Soviet Red Army after the outbreak of the Great Patriotic War. He rose rapidly through the ranks in the Red Army, becoming Chief of Staff of a Soviet division by the end of World War II. He returned to Korea in 1946 and currently serves as Chief of the General Staff of the Korean People's Army. There are two Chinese representatives.

One was Chen Zhonghe, Chief of Staff of the Volunteer Army, and the other was Han Xianchu, Commander of the 13th Corps.

Wei Hongjun chose Han Xianchu because the 13st Army of the 41th Corps currently controlled Yuanzhou. Furthermore, Wei Hongjun also had to consider balance. Chen Zhonghe represented the Volunteer Army headquarters, so choosing another frontline general, Zheng Weishan, was unsuitable because of his close relationship with Wei Hongjun. Having already chosen Chen Zhonghe, choosing Zheng Weishan would make it seem as if all the officers were directly under Wei Hongjun.

Although the Americans made concessions, the US military remained arrogant. Joey tried to invite reporters into the negotiation room, but the North Korean representatives flatly refused. As a result, the US negotiators simply left the meeting. The next day, they again began to argue about allowing reporters into the negotiations.

Upon hearing the news, Wei Hongjun directly told the Chinese and North Korean delegations that since the Americans were not in a hurry, there was no need to rush the negotiations. They could simply adjourn the meeting from the third day onwards. Neither China nor North Korea was in a hurry anyway.

Wei Hongjun seized this rare opportunity to request the logistics department to quickly transport more supplies. The logistics department and the engineering corps had already begun renovating the tunnels from the 38th parallel to the North Han River. These tunnels had been dug by hundreds of thousands of troops on the front lines over a period of five months. Now, the logistics department was converting them into large and small military depots.

Wei Hongjun ordered the logistics department to quickly replenish supplies. They needed to stockpile enough supplies to last the frontline troops for several months. North Korea wasn't in a rush either.

The Korean People's Army advanced southward on a large scale and began to establish its own regime in South Chungcheong Province, North Chungcheong Province, and North Jeolla Province. At the same time, it also began to send troops to Gyeongsang Province and South Jeolla Province to build local governments. The goal was to squeeze the American and Syngman Rhee regime into South Gyeongsang Province.

In the end, the Americans couldn't hold on first.

Ridgway was anxious. If the Chinese and North Korean forces were not forced to halt their advance through negotiations, the UN forces would only have South Gyeongsang Province. The logistical supply capabilities of the Chinese and North Korean forces were now greatly enhanced. Furthermore, the impact of Syngman Rhee's puppet forces in North Jeolla Province was too devastating.

The most important thing was to conclude the negotiations quickly and halt the Chinese and North Korean troops' advance. Joe could only express his desire to resume negotiations to the Chinese and North Korean representatives. However, the Chinese and North Korean representatives made it clear that they did not want to engage in endless nonsense with the Americans. If the negotiations did not get to the point and only discussed minor details, then there was no point in resuming the negotiations. The US was deeply angered by the Chinese and North Korean troops' response.

But no way.

It is the United States that is now at a disadvantage.

So Joe had no choice but to give in, demonstrating their sincerity. On May 1950, 5, after a few days of interruption, negotiations resumed, entering the real negotiation agenda.

The two sides mainly discussed several important issues such as ceasefire, demilitarized zone and prisoners.

"We believe the 38th parallel is the most suitable ceasefire line. The 38th parallel was the border line established by the United States and the Soviet Union at the end of World War II. I believe we should abide by history. Both sides can establish a 10-kilometer demilitarized zone north and south of the 38th parallel. After the ceasefire negotiations are completed, the prisoners will be released."

Joe opened his mouth like a lion.

The North Korean representative was very angry, and Nan Ri immediately said: "We only recognize the current front line." How can you spit out something you have swallowed.

So Nanri stood up, drew a line on the map and said, "We are willing to follow this line and each side will withdraw 20 miles to form a demilitarized zone." "You have absolutely no sincerity in negotiating."

Joe was angry too.

Look at the line drawn by Nam Il-sung on the map. It left South Gyeongsang Province and small portions of South Jeolla Province and North Gyeongsang Province for the UN forces. This means that 90% of the Korean Peninsula is in the hands of Chinese and North Korean forces. How can this be accepted?

So Joe immediately said, "This is totally unacceptable. Don't forget that our navy and air force have absolute superiority on the Korean Peninsula. If you want to acknowledge this, you shouldn't propose such outrageous and unacceptable terms."

"We acknowledge that your navy and air force have great advantages."

Chen Zhonghe replied, "We are the Army against your Navy, Army, and Air Force. It's precisely because your Navy and Air Force are so strong that the battle line between the two sides is currently here. If you didn't have a naval and air force advantage, you wouldn't be qualified to negotiate with us here, because you would have been driven into the sea long ago. The current battle line is the result of your naval and air force advantage."

This statement infuriated General Henry Hodge, Deputy Chief of Staff of the Eighth Army, who declared, "Any enemy who underestimates the American Republic will ultimately be destroyed. This is a fact proven by history. If you have this attitude, let the cannons and machine guns debate. If you don't give it to us today, we can take it away tomorrow!"

"Then let's talk on the battlefield." Han Xianchu responded nonchalantly.

The two sides parted ways once again on bad terms. The conditions on both sides differed greatly. Having already reached the Namhan River, the Chinese army had no intention of withdrawing, and therefore had already begun actively building a defense line along the Namhan River. The North Korean People's Army, currently advancing smoothly, had no desire to withdraw.

So both sides are going back and forth and neither wants to back down.

In the end, Ridgway and Syngman Rhee couldn't wait any longer. If the Korean People's Army continued to develop like this, what would become of it in the future? Even if a ceasefire wasn't possible, a temporary armistice was possible. The United States wanted to discuss the issue of prisoners as well.

But China refused.

China demanded that both sides sign a formal peace and armistice treaty, completely ending the war on the Korean Peninsula, before discussing the prisoner issue. China would not release prisoners while the war was still ongoing. China's position was firm, and the negotiations on the prisoners came to nothing.

However, the two sides did reach an agreement on other aspects, as both sides needed time to adjust.

On May 1951, 5, after several rounds of fighting, a temporary armistice was signed. It was a six-month agreement.

Both sides made concessions. The Chinese People's Volunteer Army promised not to cross the Namhan River, using it as the boundary. However, the UN forces did not demand that the Korean People's Army withdraw from South Chungcheong Province, North Chungcheong Province, and North Jeolla Province, but the Chinese People's Volunteer Army could not enter these areas.

At the same time, North Gyeongsang Province and South Jeolla Province were recognized as demilitarized zones.

Neither side's troops would enter this zone. Representatives from both sides would monitor this. Of course, this was just a simple armistice agreement, and neither side could fully adhere to it.

Following the signing of this temporary armistice, Wei Hongjun received orders from the Central Committee. Deng Guo was appointed Acting Commander and Acting Political Commissar of the Chinese People's Volunteer Army, and Han Xianchu was appointed Deputy Commander and Commander of the 13th Corps. Wei Hongjun was recalled to China.

865 Return to China

After receiving the telegram recalling him to China, Wei Hongjun first negotiated with North Korea, primarily regarding the establishment of a joint Chinese-North Korean military headquarters. After his departure, Wei Hongjun recommended Deng Guotan as commander and political commissar of the joint headquarters, Han Xianchu as deputy commander, and then recommended Chen Zhonghe, chief of staff of the Volunteer Army, as chief of staff.

North Korea did not object.

After the establishment of the Joint Command, Wei Hongjun had always been the one in charge. This was because Wei Hongjun's achievements were so brilliant that even Stalin said nothing, so what could North Korea say?

In fact, now that Wei Hongjun is leaving, the North Korean side is relieved.

Wei Hongjun's presence in North Korea put immense pressure on the North Koreans. They even hesitated to offer suggestions. With Wei Hongjun gone, while the Joint Command remains under Chinese control, it's still much better than when he was there. At least they can still offer suggestions.

So they all accepted Wei Hongjun's proposal.

Of course, this wasn't a decision Wei Hongjun could make alone. He relayed his thoughts to the Chinese government, and the North Korean side reported this to Jinri Cheng. The Central Committee quickly approved Wei Hongjun's proposal, appointing Deng Guo, Han Xianchu, and Chen Zhonghe to the joint command. Jinri Cheng didn't object.

After resolving the issue of the Joint Command, Wei Hongjun convened a high-level meeting of the Volunteer Army to convey the Central Committee's order to everyone and told them that Deng Guo would be the commander of the Volunteer Army in the future.

Only after all these matters were dealt with did Wei Hongjun leave North Korea.

Wei Hongjun returned to China without much fanfare.

It's actually very quiet.

Wei Hongjun crossed the Yalu River and arrived in Shenyang, where he met with officials from the Volunteer Army Logistics Command. He informed them of the current situation on the front lines and urged them to quickly prepare supplies for the frontline troops. He emphasized the importance of taking advantage of the ceasefire to deliver the logistical supplies needed for the frontline troops for several months.

In Shenyang, Wei Hongjun only met with the Volunteer Army's logistics officers, not with the Northeast Bureau officials. This was because Wei Hongjun was not currently inspecting local work as a Politburo member. If Wei Hongjun had casually met with local officials from the Northeast Bureau and the Northeast Administrative Committee at this time, it would have been a political mistake.

So Wei Hongjun really took the train back to Beijing quietly.

Marshal Nie came to pick up Wei Hongjun. He hadn't stopped on the way, heading straight to the Chairman. "We fought well in Korea, showing the Americans that we Chinese are not to be trifled with." After getting into the car, Marshal Nie smiled, less serious than he had been outside.

Wei Hongjun spent over six months in Korea, establishing national prestige and carving out a successful career for himself. While Wei Hongjun steadily rose to his current position, many Party cadres who had joined during the Great Revolution still felt resentful. Furthermore, Wei Hongjun bore the heavy imprint of the Jin-Cha-Ji and North China regions.

Wei Hongjun has been working in North China since 1937, when he established the Jin-Cha-Ji base area. Therefore, many cadres from other base areas never worked with him. They only heard of Wei Hongjun's name, but they didn't really know him.

There are opinions about the fact that Wei Hongjun took only a dozen years to reach his current position from a company-level cadre in the Eighth Route Army.

But after the Korean War, cadres from all factions were convinced from the bottom of their hearts. This was a hard-won victory that no one could deny. With Wei Hongjun, the cohesion of cadres in North China was able to reach a new level. This was something that made Marshal Nie happy.

Next year will be the Eighth National Congress of the Communist Party of China.

From the central government down to the local levels, there will inevitably be many adjustments. Marshal Nie now has one foot in the highest echelons, so he needs to be even more cautious. He can't handle many things himself, so he needs Wei Hongjun and others to make contributions. "One reason is that the US military doesn't understand us, and the other is that our officers and soldiers fought bravely. I didn't actually do anything."

Marshal Nie was very happy to hear Wei Hongjun's words.

He said, "Maintain this attitude. You may not have received the notice yet. The Chairman just presided over the Standing Committee of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, which passed a series of regulations regarding the convening of the First National People's Congress. One of them is to establish a National Defense Committee, and you have been nominated as Vice Chairman of the National Defense Committee. As long as the First National People's Congress next year passes, you will be Vice Chairman of the National Defense Committee."

"So what about the current Central Revolutionary Military Commission?"

This is something that many people are confused about. Many people in later generations are confused by it.

Is the Marshal a Vice Chairman of the Military Commission or a member of the Military Commission? In fact, this is because many people confuse the Central Military Commission with the Central Revolutionary Military Commission.

After the founding of New China, the Military Commission that everyone referred to was not the previous Central Military Commission of the Communist Party of China, but the Central Revolutionary Military Commission, whose full name is the People's Revolutionary Military Commission of the Central People's Government.

This is because when the People's Republic of China was founded, the central government lacked a comprehensive plan for military command. The People's Liberation Army has always been directly led by the Party Central Committee, with the Central Military Commission as the highest leadership body. However, after the founding of the People's Republic of China, many people believed that the new China should be different from Chiang Kai-shek's army. In fact, many people hoped that the armed forces of the new China would not be a "party army" and should not be led solely by the Communist Party.

The central government was also undecided at that time.

There were also many calls within the central government. Just as the Premier and Dong Biwu had called for "separation of party and government," many cadres were also calling for "separation of party and military." The Central Military Commission of the Communist Party of China should not be the central government's leading body.

Therefore, the First National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference decided to establish the Central People's Government People's Revolutionary Military Commission. As the nation's highest military leadership organ, the Central Revolutionary Military Commission unified the administration and command of the Chinese People's Liberation Army and other people's armed forces, implementing unified command, unified systems, unified organization, and unified discipline. The Central Revolutionary Military Commission was no longer subordinate to the Party Central Committee, but to the Central People's Government. This effectively shifted military leadership from the Party Central Committee to government departments.

For this reason, the Central Military Commission was directly abolished.

"Abolish the Central Revolutionary Military Commission and replace it with the National Defense Commission." Wei Hongjun frowned.

The National Defense Commission, as its name suggests, is a further evolution of the Central Military Commission. The name "National Defense Commission" effectively signifies that China's current armed forces are national defense forces, not the Party's armed forces. "Is this an attempt to completely deprive the Party Central Committee of its leadership over the military?"

The integration of the Party, government, and military isn't something the CCP truly wants. Rather, it's something that naturally developed over decades of revolution. You can't completely sever the ties between the Party, government, and military simply because the People's Republic of China was founded. Forcing this separation will undoubtedly lead to problems.

Marshal Nie shook his head and said, "The Fifth Session of the Seventh Central Committee just concluded. Because you were in North Korea, we didn't have time to inform you. In addition to the National Defense Commission, the Fifth Session of the Seventh Central Committee decided to re-establish the Central Military Commission of the Communist Party of China, which will be directly under the leadership of the Politburo and the Secretariat. The Central Military Commission will have a chairman, and the rest of the members will be members. You are also on the list of members. Once the Eighth Congress passes the resolution, the Central Committee will be re-established, and you will be a member of the Central Military Commission."

Wei Hongjun was still unhappy.

The establishment of both the National Defense Commission and the Central Military Commission clearly indicates that the central government lacks the final say on this matter. This is why two military leadership bodies were created. This inevitably leads to unclear responsibilities and divisions, leading to disputes. As for the Central Military Commission's membership list, Wei Hongjun could generally guess.

Historically, there have been eleven members of the Central Military Commission. Besides the ten marshals, there was also Deng Xixian. Of course, Gao Gang had already met with disaster by then, otherwise he would have been among the members. Therefore, the discussion of General Su's resignation is completely groundless.

Just look at the list of members of the newly established Central Military Commission and you will know that they are all marshal-level cadres.

After digesting this information, Wei Hongjun asked, "Does the Central Committee want me to work for the National Defense Commission and the Central Military Commission?"

"No. You'll still have to return to the State Council, which will soon be renamed the State Council. After the First National People's Congress passes the resolution, the State Council will be transformed into the State Council. Your focus will still be on the State Council. However, you just won a victory in Korea, and you're also the commander of the Chinese People's Volunteer Army, so you'll still be in charge of Korean affairs. Perhaps someone will even suggest that you divide the work between the National Defense Commission and the Central Military Commission."

Wei Hongjun is now under too much of a halo.

Although Wei Hongjun's primary work was within the State Council, some might suggest a division of labor between the National Defense Council and the Central Military Commission. If such a proposal were made, the Central Committee would be hard-pressed to reject it. Wei Hongjun had served under Marshal Nie for over a decade.

I immediately understood Marshal Nie's intention. So, he said, "Look, I'll only be a figurehead on the National Defense Council and the Central Military Commission. I won't accept any division of labor, and I'll shift all my focus to the State Council. This includes work on North Korea. As long as it's not a major issue, I won't interfere."

Marshal Nie nodded.

Marshal Nie liked Wei Hongjun's character the most, as he won such a world-shaking victory while remaining calm and composed.

To accomplish big things, you must be able to keep your composure.

So he said, "Just keep it in mind. The more you're doing this, the more you need to keep a low profile and pass the Eighth National Congress smoothly. Then, focus more on economic development." "I understand."

Marshal Nie simply spoke briefly to Wei Hongjun about this matter.

This was mainly because Wei Hongjun hadn't attended the Fifth Session of the Seventh Central Committee, nor had he attended any of the other meetings. Marshal Nie was worried that Wei Hongjun, unaware of the situation, might be manipulated. So, after briefly explaining the current situation at the Central Committee, he quickly changed the subject.

"The Secretariat is currently dealing with issues that arose during the recruitment of new members in Tianjin," he said.

"what happened?"

"Tianjin has recruited too many party members in the past two years, and the screening process was not strict, which was criticized by Comrade Rao Shushi. Comrade Peng Zhen has reviewed his work several times in the Secretariat because of this matter. You should be aware of this." Wei Hongjun nodded.

While the specifics of what happened are unclear, the fact that Peng Zhen was involved is significant. As Secretary of the Secretariat, assisting Gao Gang in handling daily work, Peng Zhen was in charge of the Organization Department. Tianjin's development of the Party organization was singled out for criticism.

Then it must be related to Peng Zhen.

Marshal Nie continued, "Also, Comrade Gao Gang has recently been carrying out a vigorous campaign to combat clans in Guangdong. You should pay attention." "What happened?"