Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

“I am responsible for all my decisions.”

Wei Hongjun is very tough.

Under the current circumstances, it was not impossible for the troops to advance south, as Ridgway had moved all his troops to Busan. But what would they do after advancing south? The troops were short of food, weapons, and ammunition. Even if they occupied those territories, what would be the point?

Because of the war, many people have no food at home.

Even if this is a war in a foreign country, we cannot allow the volunteer army to rob food from the homes of ordinary people.

What would happen even if they attacked Busan?

Logistics would be even more difficult. Despite Razovaev's vows that the US would withdraw from North Korea, what if the US didn't? The US has little power in Busan, but they have acquired so much weaponry.

So what if the combat effectiveness of Syngman Rhee's puppet army and Chiang Kai-shek's troops was poor?

With so many weapons and such formidable firepower, how could the volunteer army break in? Breaking through the Busan Perimeter by force wasn't impossible. But how many casualties would be in the end? And with insufficient logistics, if the casualties were too great, who knew what would happen.

Wei Hongjun can't take any risks.

"Comrade Wei Hongjun, I cannot accept your decision. I will send a telegram to Moscow to accuse you. I will definitely have you dismissed from your post, investigated, and forced to leave North Korea."

Razovaev finally became a little frustrated.

Wei Hongjun said directly: "That's your right. But I won't change my decision."

"Well, we'll see."

Razovaev left in a rage.

Deng Guo looked at Razovaev's back and said angrily, "I don't know if these people can't fight, or if they simply don't regard our officers and soldiers as their own comrades. How can we advance south in this situation?"

"never mind."

Wei Hongjun shook his head.

Then he said: "Hurry up and send a telegram to the central government to report what happened here."

"Um."

856 Stalin's Anger

After Wei Hongjun, Deng Guo parted ways with Razovaev and Park Xianyong, they all went their separate ways.

Park Heon-young went to report China's attitude to Jinricheng, because it was Jinricheng's idea to advance south.

Razovaev furiously cabled his complaints to Moscow, specifically to Stalin. He first embellished what had happened, then complained about Wei Hongjun's disrespect and disregard for the Soviet military advisory group. He then told Stalin that the Soviet Union should order the Chinese government to remove Wei Hongjun from his post.

Soviet Ambassador to North Korea Shtykov also telegraphed Moscow.

Shtykov was also dissatisfied with the Chinese troops' halt at the Han River, so he also filed a complaint against Wei Hongjun. However, Shtykov was not as radical as Razovaev. He even reported the conflict between Wei Hongjun and Razovaev to Moscow.

Shtykov possessed a quality that Moscow deeply trusted: he would never make decisions on his own. He would always consult Moscow first on any even the most important matters. He would do whatever Moscow told him to do, and he would report every detail of what happened to Moscow.

Therefore, his telegram was more about asking Moscow what he should do in the current situation, rather than arrogantly and ignorantly asking Moscow to pressure the Chinese government to remove Wei Hongjun from his position, as Razovaev did.

Shtykov now needs Moscow's attitude because he is caught between China and North Korea.

Wei Hongjun was determined to keep his troops north of the Han River and rest here. And his intention was simple: he would only decide on the next battle plan after logistics were smooth. Before logistics were smooth, the troops would not move forward.

But things are different in this city today.

They were very anxious. After receiving Park Heon-young's report, Jinricheng convened a meeting of the Workers' Party Political Bureau overnight to unify the Korean Peninsula. After the meeting, Jinricheng again sent Park Heon-young and Park Il-yu to negotiate with Wei Hongjun.

This time, Park Heon-young and Wei Hongjun emphasized that this was a decision made by the Political Bureau of the Workers' Party of Korea, not the opinion of a particular leader, and hoped that Wei Hongjun would take it seriously. It should be said that Jinri Cheng is becoming increasingly mature as a politician.

Before, he had always fought for it himself.

But now he rarely shows up, and all matters are expressed through Jin Xiong, Park Yu and others at the joint command center. If Jin Xiong and Park Yu fail to communicate smoothly with Wei Hongjun and Deng Guo, then he will send Park Xianyong to come forward.

Only if their talks fail will Cheng Qin come out in person today.

It can be said that it is already very smart.

Because even if there are differences on many issues, it will not affect the relationship between China and North Korea too much. However, Wei Hongjun's attitude remains the same. Under the current situation where logistics cannot be fully guaranteed, Wei Hongjun will definitely not let the Chinese army advance south.

Jinricheng had no choice but to send telegrams to the Soviet Union and China respectively.

It's also a complaint.

Park Heon-young and Razovaev each complained to their own mothers, as did Wei Hongjun and Deng Guo. They immediately wrote a detailed report outlining all the problems facing the Volunteer Army. Wei Hongjun proposed that the Volunteer Army rest and recuperate at the Han River for at least three to six months. He was confident that within that time, the Volunteer Army's logistical support capabilities would be significantly improved, at least enough to guarantee the necessary logistics for the frontline troops. Unless the Soviet Air Force fully intervened in the Korean War, the Volunteer Army's logistical problems would be impossible to resolve in a short period of time.

"Comrade Razovayev actually asked us to put pressure on Beijing to remove Comrade Wei Hongjun. Comrade Razovayev is simply talking nonsense."

Razovaev's telegram reached Moscow.

The Soviet leaders looked very unhappy.

Because it's normal for the two sides to have differences. Although China, the Soviet Union, and North Korea are brotherly nations within the socialist camp, they are, after all, three countries with distinct interests, and it's impossible for them to agree on everything. Don't be afraid of disagreements; as long as everyone is aligned on the general direction, a few differences won't affect the relationship. After all, the three parties have more cooperation than disagreements.

The results of it?

Look at what Razovaev said.

He even threatened to dismiss Wei Hongjun from his post and investigate him—such nonsense. Is this what a military advisor should say? Even a current cadre of the CPSU Central Committee wouldn't utter such a statement. Besides, Razovaev was only a Soviet military advisor to North Korea, so his say rested solely with the Korean People's Army. You weren't a Soviet military advisor to the Chinese troops. It's fine to voice your opinions, but you have no right to interfere with the Chinese army's operational plans, or even issue orders to them.

What's more, he was facing a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China and the commander of the Chinese People's Volunteer Army.

The two sides are completely unequal in level.

His words had already torn the relationship apart, even provoking the Soviet Union. This statement caused a headache for Soviet leaders. If this angered Wei Hongjun, or even caused the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China to believe that the Soviet Union was interfering in the appointment of Chinese military personnel and personnel within the Communist Party of China, it would be a serious matter.

The current CCP is no longer the CCP of twenty years ago.

At that time, the CCP had just been established, and all its funding was provided by the Soviet Union. Many of its cadres had studied there. Therefore, the Soviet Union, through the Communist International, could unscrupulously interfere with CCP personnel arrangements, including the appointment of CCP Central Committee leaders. But the CCP, having established the People's Republic of China through the barrel of a gun, was no place for the Soviet Union to freely interfere with personnel appointments.

It's just a piece of crap.

Mikoyan gave Razovaev no respect at all. He first criticized him for playing the piano, then said: "Comrade Razovaev has forgotten his own status and is unscrupulously showing off his authority in other socialist countries as a representative of the Soviet Union. What we want is a representative who can unite the socialist fraternal countries, not a representative who undermines Sino-Soviet relations."

The moment Mikoyan saw Razovaev's telegram, he was really shocked.

Before the founding of the People's Republic of China, the Soviet Union wavered between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party of China. It even hesitated about allowing Chinese Communist troops to cross the Yangtze River. Stalin even sent a telegram to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, urging them not to cross the Yangtze River.

Chairman Mao was furious about the telegram and sent a direct telegram to the Soviet Union expressing his dissatisfaction. After receiving the telegram, Stalin immediately sent Mikoyan to China to appease the Chinese comrades and express Soviet support for the CCP. The CCP was no longer a small force at the time.

That was when Comrade Stalin himself made some mistakes in his decision-making.

Even Stalin had the courage to admit his mistakes and bow his head.

Who the hell was Razovaev, to send such a telegram?

"I also think this incident is quite serious. It is a major incident in our diplomacy."

Malenkov also expressed his position immediately.

"Comrade Wei Hongjun just won a great victory in Korea, and he is still needed on the Korean battlefield. How could the Chinese government withdraw Wei Hongjun at this time? We should not make such an absurd suggestion."

What a joke.

Wei Hongjun defeated the US Army, the "world's strongest army."

Wei Hongjun's reputation within the socialist camp is now at its peak. Socialist countries all want to meet this great general who defeated the US military. Beyond the socialist camp, even Western countries are aware of Wei Hongjun's name, and numerous Western intelligence agencies are currently researching him. Removing Wei Hongjun at this time is no joke.

To put it bluntly, even if Stalin personally gave the order, China would not have been able to remove Wei Hongjun from his position.

Beria, standing nearby, also said, "Comrade Wei Hongjun currently holds an extraordinary position in the Chinese government. He is not just a military commander; he is also a key figure in the decision-making ranks of the Communist Party."

"Correct."

Molotov said, "Comrade Stalin, everyone has read Comrade Wei Hongjun's information. He is not just a general who leads troops in battle. Before he went to Korea to lead the troops, his position within the Communist Party of China and the Chinese government was already very important. He is a member of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China, a member of the Secretariat of the Communist Party of China, and is currently the person in charge of rural work in China. He is also the fourth-ranking deputy secretary of the State Council. He is one of the future leaders of the Communist Party of China. We should not have a serious conflict with him, as this will affect the future relations between China and the Soviet Union."

The future leader of the Chinese government.

This is Molotov's view.

According to intelligence gathered by Soviet intelligence agencies, Wei Hongjun, though young, is a highly accomplished cadre in the Party, government, and military. He may be a future successor and leader of the Chinese Communist Party.

Even if he fails to become the top leader, he will definitely be one of the core leaders of the Communist Party of China.

The Soviet Union should not engage in unnecessary conflicts with Chinese Communist Party cadres of this level.

Beria echoed, "I agree. Comrade Stalin, Comrade Wei Hongjun was already a highly ranked cadre within the Communist Party. He won a great victory in Korea this time, and he will undoubtedly be given further responsibilities upon his return. He's not even forty years old yet, and no Chinese cadre of his age has emerged who can rival him. He may very well become the leader of the Chinese government in the future, and we should avoid falling out with him over this matter."

After listening to what several people said, Stalin knocked the pipe in his hand "bang bang bang".

Then he grinned and sneered: "Razovaev, what battles has he fought in? How dare he express dissatisfaction with Comrade Wei Hongjun's command? If he could have Comrade Wei Hongjun's battle record, I would listen to everything he says.

It was not Razovaev's proposal that Stalin was dissatisfied with.

Instead, they ridiculed him for overestimating his own abilities.

Since the victory in the first battle, Wei Hongjun's reputation has soared, even Stalin had to be cautious when dealing with Wei Hongjun. But what military achievements do you have, Razovayev, to question Wei Hongjun and interfere with his command? Not only did you interfere with his command, you even dared to threaten his dismissal. You truly have no idea of ​​your own limitations.

If Zhukov had made such a suggestion to Stalin, Stalin would not have laughed at it even if he disagreed.

"This person is no longer fit to stay in North Korea."

Stalin finally set the tone.

A fool like Razovaev, regardless of his ability, simply lacks foresight and is unfit to remain in North Korea. At this stage, the Chinese People's Volunteer Army is more important, and Wei Hongjun, the commander of the Volunteer Army, is more important.

"Comrade Mikoyang, send a telegram to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, expressing our respect for Comrade Wei Hongjun's command. At the same time, have Comrades Roshen and Wu Hao explain what happened in Korea. Tell them that we have decided to withdraw Razovaev."

Stalin made the decision.

The thought of having to explain himself to the Chinese government filled Stalin with rage. Razovaev, that idiot, would be punished when he returned.

"What do you think of the Chinese army staying north of the Han River?"

"It would be best if the troops could advance south and push US imperialism into the sea. US imperialism's defeat on the Korean Peninsula would undoubtedly advance the world communist movement. However, judging by the opinions of our Chinese comrades, they have no intention of crossing the Han River. If they disagree, we don't have much to offer. Although the US military suffered a major defeat, the Busan perimeter they have constructed is not weak. Currently, with Syngman Rhee's puppet troops, Chiang Kai-shek's Taiwanese forces, and the US forces reorganized by General Ridgway, they have nearly 30 troops in Busan, supported by powerful US naval and air forces. The Korean People's Army alone cannot break through the Busan perimeter; the Chinese army must attack. However, the Chinese comrades, under the pretext of logistics, need several months of rest and recuperation. Comrade Wei Hongjun has requested that we increase our air force and protect not only the Korean railways but also other important highways. This ensures smooth logistics for the Chinese army; only then will they advance south. Furthermore, they demand that our air force follow suit to ensure the troops' aerial safety."

Mikoyan answered.

China is a sovereign country and a powerful nation. Now that China is unwilling to cross the river, the Soviet Union really has little recourse.

"Ah."

Stalin turned his head and said to Vasilevsky, who had been silent, "Comrade Vasilevsky, can the Chinese army's southward advance now drive the Americans back to the sea?

"Comrade Stalin, the logistical problems the Chinese mentioned do exist, especially since the Americans intensified their aerial bombardment, which severely impacted their logistics. However, if the Chinese truly disregarded these concerns and concentrated their forces to attack Busan, it would be entirely possible to capture Busan. There are no strong US troops in Busan right now; the main force is Syngman Rhee's puppet army and Chiang Kai-shek's Taiwanese troops. However, Busan was built by the US military for several months, and the US also possesses powerful naval and air forces. If they were to capture Busan, the Chinese casualties would increase dramatically. I believe Comrade Wei Hongjun should have considered this point, which is why he chose to stop at the Han River.

"What if our air force also protects all their important railways and roads?"

This is the beginning of the Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union.

But it has become increasingly intense.

Stalin was concerned with grand strategic issues. If the socialist camp prevailed on the Korean Peninsula and the United States was driven out, the Soviet Union's power would surge, and the United States would lose face.