Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Yang Yongfu immediately saluted and said, "Commander, Yang Yongfu reporting in."

"Comrade Yang Yongfu, hello."

After exchanging a few pleasantries, Yang Yongfu left, leaving the Chairman and Wei Hongjun alone. Wei Hongjun said, "Chairman, Comrade Yang Yongfu doesn't need to go to North Korea.

The chairman shook his head.

He said: "Who made him my son? You have seen the situation today. There are very few comrades who truly support sending troops to Korea. You and I are in the minority. If you want to lead troops into Korea, I can only let my eldest son go to Korea to prove my determination. I support the war in Korea. If my son does not go to Korea, then what qualifications do I have to ask other people's sons to do so.

Wei Hongjun did not continue to persuade him.

Because the chairman has made up his mind.

Besides, Yang Yongfu had been in the Soviet Union for many years and was suitable to serve as the Russian translator of the headquarters. After the establishment of the Volunteer Army, it not only had to exchange telegrams with the Soviet side, but also had to communicate with the Soviet advisers sent to North Korea.

The incident with Yang Yongfu was just a small episode. The Chairman then asked Wei Hongjun about his thoughts on entering the Korean War.

"Chairman, the UN forces currently have an absolute upper hand on the battlefield. In comparison, the People's Army has begun to panic. With the strength of the UN forces, controlling Seoul and crossing the 38th parallel will surely be unstoppable. The smoother the situation and the better the battle, the more proud and arrogant the enemy will become. So my plan is to resist step by step to create the illusion that we only want a buffer zone and only want to protect the safety of the Yalu River. Therefore, we will create the illusion that there are not many troops entering North Korea, so as to lure the enemy deep into our territory and let the UN forces continue to march towards the Yalu River in large strides. As long as the volunteer army can enter North Korea secretly and find some places suitable for ambushes, we can catch the enemy off guard and annihilate the enemy's vitality on both the east and west fronts at the same time. As long as we can annihilate enough enemy forces in the first battle, then our troops can pursue the victory and not give the enemy time to prepare. Within a month, we can retake Pyongyang and Wonsan.

"What's next?"

Wei Hongjun wrote on the map: "Take advantage of the UN forces' defeat and lack of time to adjust their deployment. We will cross the 38th parallel and capture Seoul. Then, we will establish a defense line in the Han River basin and prepare for a long-term defensive battle."

"Why don't you say we should drive American imperialism out of the sea?"

"Chairman, given the terrain of Korea and the extremely powerful navy and air force of U.S. imperialism, our logistical capabilities have basically reached their limit if we reach the 38th parallel or Seoul. If we continue to fight, the logistical supply of our troops will definitely be a problem. Besides, we cannot afford to lose the Korean Peninsula, and the United States cannot afford to lose South Korea. If the United States loses South Korea, then what the United States loses in Asia is not just South Korea, but also the prestige of the United States in Asia. The Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union was a process of gain and loss. If the United States retreats, then the socialist camp headed by the Soviet Union will inevitably develop rapidly in Asia, and the United States cannot accept such an outcome. Therefore, the United States will definitely do its utmost to keep South Korea. After all, the Korean Peninsula is a peninsula, surrounded by the sea on three sides. Fighting the U.S. military to the death will not benefit us much except increasing casualties. The best way is to stop the U.S. military and let them know that the war cannot be continued. Then they will naturally sit at the negotiation table.

The chairman looked at the map without saying anything.

There was neither affirmation nor opposition.

After a while, he said, "After entering North Korea, when you meet with North Korean comrades, you must respect them. When there are some disagreements on combat, don't argue too much. After a few victories, the North Korean comrades will naturally know whose opinions are correct."

"Yes."

"Also, we should add a North Korean comrade to the Volunteer Army Headquarters as deputy commander or deputy political commissar. This will facilitate communication with North Korean comrades and cooperation with the Korean People's Army.

"Yes."

The Chairman extended his hand, shook Wei Hongjun's, and said, "Comrade Hongjun, be careful when you arrive in Korea."

"Please rest assured, Chairman."

837 expedition

On September 1950, 9, three days after the enlarged Politburo meeting, Chairman Mao, in the name of the Chairman of the Chinese People's Revolutionary Military Commission, formally issued an order on the formation of the Chinese People's Volunteer Army.

At this point, the Chinese People's Volunteer Army was officially established.

The reason for the delay of several years was that the Chairman had to consult with the Soviet Union and communicate with some leaders of the Political Consultative Conference. After deciding to establish the Chinese People's Volunteer Army, the Central Committee informed the Soviet and North Korean governments.

When the Chairman issued the order, Wei Hongjun had already left Beijing and arrived in the Northeast.

Because time is tight.

Wei Hongjun needed to continue discussing the next battle plan with Deng Guo and the General Staff. They also had to make all necessary preparations for entering North Korea. Although they had been preparing for a long time, Wei Hongjun was wary of any unexpected events, so he didn't dare to be careless.

After returning to the Volunteer Army Headquarters, Wei Hongjun quickly got to work.

The first is logistical issues.

The Central Committee decided that the Northeast would be solely responsible for the Volunteer Army's logistics. To prepare for the Volunteer Army's logistics, the Central Committee, based on Wei Hongjun's proposal, established the Volunteer Army Rear Committee. This committee consisted of Zhang Xiushan, Chairman of the Northeast Administrative Committee; He Jinnian, Acting Commander of the Northeast Military Region; Li Xinxi, Deputy Commander of Logistics for the Northeast Military Region; Xia Houwen, Second Political Commissar of the Northeast Military Region and Third Deputy Political Commissar of the Volunteer Army; and Lei Jiabin, Deputy Commander of Logistics for the Volunteer Army.

In fact, the main work is done by Li Xinxi, Xiahou Wen and Lei Jiabin, while Zhang Xiushan and He Jinnian provide convenience and assistance.

Compared with history, the leadership is a bit weak.

Historically, the local central bureau was very powerful, and Gao Gang was the top leader of the party, government, and military in Northeast China. Therefore, the central government directly gave the task to Gao Gang, and Gao Gang also made great contributions to the War to Resist US Aggression and Aid Korea.

However, at this time and space, Gao Gang had already arrived in Beijing early.

Therefore, the Central Committee had no choice but to establish a rear area committee. Xia Houwen was the Third Deputy Political Commissar of the Volunteer Army, and Lei Jiabin was the Deputy Commander of the Volunteer Army's Logistics Department. However, neither of them would follow the troops into North Korea. Instead, they would remain in Northeast China, responsible for procuring logistical supplies for the Volunteer Army. The logistics work of the Volunteer Army in North Korea was entrusted to Hong Xuezhi, the Chief of the Volunteer Army's Logistics Department.

A few days after Wei Hongjun arrived in the Northeast, the Central Committee sent another telegram to Wei Hongjun and Deng Guo, asking them to come to Beijing urgently.

On September 1950, 9, Wei Hongjun and Deng Guo flew to Beijing.

The Premier's telegram from the Soviet Union indicated that the Soviet Union could fully meet China's demands for aircraft, artillery, tanks, and other military equipment, and was also willing to provide large quantities of trucks, aviation fuel, gasoline, and medicine. As a gesture of good faith, the Soviet Union offered to provide China with artillery, Katyusha rocket launchers, and anti-aircraft guns in advance, with some of this equipment already entering China by rail. Furthermore, the Soviet Union was willing to send more military instructors to help train pilots for the Chinese Air Force and to help the Chinese army adopt Soviet equipment and train Chinese troops. However, the Soviet Air Force was not yet ready and would have to wait two to two and a half months before it could deploy to support the Chinese Volunteer Army.

To put it bluntly, it means the same thing.

There was no problem in providing weapons and equipment, but the Soviet Air Force could not participate in the war.

The Soviet Air Force's temporary inability to provide air support to the Chinese People's Volunteer Army's combat troops in North Korea had a significant impact on the deployment of the War to Resist US Aggression and Aid Korea. Some leaders worried that without the support of the Soviet Air Force, the war would be difficult to continue.

That is why the Chairman urgently recalled Wei Hongjun and Deng Guo to hear their opinions.

On September 1950, 9, the Political Bureau held an emergency enlarged meeting on the issue of resisting U.S. aggression and aiding Korea.

Marshal Nie explained the Soviet Union's intentions to everyone.

However, at the meeting, General Peng, who had just been recalled to Beijing, General He, Marshal Xu, who worked with General Peng on the daily affairs of the Military Commission, and other Military Commission leaders, including Acting Chief of Staff Yang Quanwu, as well as Wei Hongjun and Deng Guo, representing the Volunteer Army, all stated that although the Soviet Air Force's absence would have a significant impact, the Volunteer Army could still win the battle even without the Soviet Air Force's support.

Wei Hongjun directly stated that there was no time to hesitate now.

After the UN forces crossed the 38th parallel, they advanced straight into Pyongyang and began to attack. Once the UN forces captured Pyongyang, the situation in North Korea would be completely out of control.

Because both the Military Commission and the Volunteer Army leaders believed that the war could be fought, the Politburo decided to send troops to North Korea as originally planned.

After the meeting, the Chairman talked with Wei Hongjun and Deng Guo again.

Chairman Mao instructed Wei Hongjun and Deng Guojun to annihilate the enemy in the midst of the movement. If the enemy was truly formidable, they could first attack the weaker Syngman Rhee puppet army, then seek an opportunity to annihilate the British and American forces. Even if they couldn't immediately annihilate the enemy in large numbers, they must secure the mountainous terrain north of the Chongchon River, giving the Korean People's Army time to regroup and providing the volunteer army with a foothold. As long as they could secure a foothold and halt the UN offensive, it would be a "boost" to the Korean battlefield.

After explaining everything clearly, Wei Hongjun and Deng Guo returned to the Northeast.

The Chairman was angry about the Soviet Union's breach of contract.

China is stronger today than it was in the past. After all, the People's Republic of China was founded on May 1948, 5. With more than two years of development, domestic conditions are significantly better than they were in the past, with industrial and agricultural data reaching record highs. At the outbreak of the Korean War, the People's Republic of China was only a year old, and a vast array of unresolved domestic issues remained. Land reform was incomplete, banditry was rampant, and the country was truly devastated. Furthermore, due to various devastations, the economies of Northeast China and North China were also in serious trouble. However, in this era, land reform was completed early, the main bandit groups were eliminated, and prices stabilized. Northeast China and North China were also spared significant war damage, with Northeast China's industry remaining virtually intact and North China's industry stronger than before.

In addition, the troops had made preparations to enter North Korea early on.

So the Chairman still had enough confidence. Therefore, the Chairman immediately sent a telegram to express his dissatisfaction with the Soviet Union's inconsistency to Stalin. Stalin still attached great importance to the Chairman's telegram and replied quickly. In the telegram, Stalin explained that because the Soviet Air Force was not ready, it could not immediately participate in the war. However, the Soviet Air Force could send troops to the Northeast first to protect the Chinese airspace on the Yalu River side. Once the Soviet Air Force was ready, it would definitely attack.

The Chairman sent another telegram, asking whether the weapons and equipment provided to China for the Korean War would be sold to China or leased to China.

Selling and renting are completely different concepts.

If the weapons and equipment were sold to China, the price would be high. However, if they were leased to China, the price would be much lower, perhaps 30% to 40% of the original price. Stalin was not happy with the Chairman's "aggressive" telegram. However, at such a critical moment, Stalin did not want to fall out with China, as he still relied heavily on China during the Korean War. Furthermore, it was the Soviet Union that had broken its promise to China. Therefore, Stalin stated that this batch of weapons and equipment would be leased to China.

In order to resist the United States and aid Korea, China is currently discussing with the Soviet Union a large loan of nearly 20 billion US dollars.

The Chairman was considering that after receiving such a large loan, a portion should be retained for domestic construction. That is why he asked the Soviet Union so directly whether their weapons and ammunition were sold or leased.

While Chairman Mao and Stalin were bargaining, Jin Jincheng, having received a notification from China, dispatched Park Il-yu to Northeast China to discuss and coordinate issues. Upon arriving in Northeast China and joining the Volunteer Army, Park Il-yu felt completely at home, as if he had returned to his old unit. Wei Hongjun, Deng Guo, and many other Volunteer Army officers were familiar with Park Il-yu; they were all old comrades. During the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, Park Il-yu had been involved in the Jin-Cha-Ji Revolution.

Park Il-yu, a veteran Party member who joined in 1930, formed a guerrilla unit in Pingxi after the July Incident. He later attended the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei Cadre School and followed Deng Guo to Pingxi when he established the Pingxi Detachment. He then followed Deng Guo and Song Shilun to eastern Hebei, where he participated in the Great Uprising.

After the Ji-Re-Liao Advance Army was established, Park Yi-yu stayed in Pingxi and worked under Wei Hongjun, but he was always doing local work. It was not until 1942 that he went to the Eighth Route Army Headquarters in Taihang Mountain.

So the three of them are very familiar with each other.

The reason why the city sent Park Il-yu today was to hope that China would send troops into North Korea as soon as possible because the battle to defend Pyongyang was now very difficult. Although the Korean People's Army tried very hard, it was unable to stop the powerful UN forces.

But Wei Hongjun certainly could not agree to such a request.

Jinri Cheng still believed that China's volunteer troops were merely sending tens of thousands of soldiers to aid North Korea. Therefore, he even wanted to command tens of thousands of volunteers himself, something Wei Hongjun naturally wouldn't agree to. Wei Hongjun and Deng Guo had been discussing the timing of the volunteer army's entry into North Korea. Neither too soon nor too late was a good option; they had to find the most suitable time.

When Park Il-yu learned that China was sending not one or two armies but two corps, he immediately understood that Jinri Cheng's request was impossible to achieve. How could China hand over military command after sending hundreds of thousands of troops into North Korea?

So Park Yiyu asked Wei Hongjun to enter North Korea and meet and talk with Jinricheng.

Wei Hongjun had no objection to this. Even the Chairman had told Wei Hongjun that if necessary, he could go to North Korea to meet with Jinricheng. Wei Hongjun was very willing to meet with Jinricheng to discuss future cooperation and military operations.

After all, after entering North Korea, cooperation between the Volunteer Army and the North Korean government was essential. The Volunteer Army was fighting outside the country and couldn't completely abandon the North Korean government. However, the current headquarters of the city was located in Tokchon, far from the Yalu River.

The time for the Volunteer Army to enter North Korea is approaching, and it is impossible for Wei Hongjun to abandon the Volunteer Army and go to Tokugawa, a place so far away, to meet with Jinricheng.

But some issues must be discussed.

Therefore, Deng Guo, as the second-in-command of the Volunteer Army, represented Wei Hongjun and took the lead in entering North Korea to meet Jinricheng. Before Deng Guo entered North Korea, Wei Hongjun and Deng Guo explained the matter.

"Don't dwell on the issue of unified command of the Volunteer Army and the Korean People's Army, because this is not something that Comrade Jin Jincheng can decide. This time, when we met with Comrade Jin Jincheng in North Korea, we mainly discussed four issues. The fall of Pyongyang is a matter of time. There is no need to hide this or be embarrassed about it. Let Comrade Jin Jincheng and the Korean comrades prepare. Some party and government officials can start to withdraw early, so as not to be in a hurry when the time comes and many people cannot withdraw. However, this is the period of the North Korean government, so it is enough to mention it, and there is no need to force it. What we want to discuss is what will happen later.

"First: Once Pyongyang falls, the Korean People's Army and North Korean party and government officials will need to retreat on a large scale. At that time, these personnel must cooperate with us. Their retreating party, government, and military personnel must not conflict with our troops' marching routes or our troops' logistics transportation routes. Especially those party and government officials, they are not soldiers, and they will inevitably panic when retreating. If there is no coordination, once there is a congestion between our two sides, it will affect the troops' next operations. Therefore, we must work closely together in this regard, exchange intelligence, and avoid congestion.

"Second: We can ask the retreating Korean People's Army troops if they can cooperate with us in the battle. Because there is a high possibility that our troops will run into the retreating People's Army head-on, we can see if we can get these People's Army troops to temporarily join our troops and fight together. Of course, if Comrade Jin Jincheng disagrees, there is no need to force it. As long as the Battle of Pyongyang fails, there will not be many people left in the Korean People's Army. It is a good thing for an army of 10,000 or 20,000 people to cooperate with us in the battle, but there is nothing we can do if they don't want to cooperate. However, the Korean People's Army can choose not to cooperate with us in the battle, but it cannot affect our battle. If Comrade Jin Jincheng does not want the Korean People's Army to cooperate with us in the battle, we can quickly gather the Korean People's Army troops. After all, they will also have to fight in the battle later.

"Third: Have Comrade Jinricheng send someone to coordinate with the various units of the Korean People's Army. Never allow a conflict between the Korean People's Army and ours. The Korean People's Army has suffered a series of defeats and is easily frightened. If they encounter a unit they don't recognize or are unfamiliar with, they are likely to open fire. To prevent this, both sides should establish a code for communication so that they can easily identify each other upon encounter. I suggest using red flags as proof of each other's identities. In times of chaos, red flags are easy and effective to identify. Units on both sides can simply wave red flags to confirm they are on the same side. After all, north of the Chongchon River, it's just us and the Korean People's Army for a short period of time. As long as we can confirm that we are not enemies, there will be no conflict.

"Fourth: If Comrade Jinri Cheng can contact the Korean People's Army's troops in the south, then we can have them open up the battlefield behind enemy lines. The UN forces currently have a considerable number of troops, but compared to the entire Korean Peninsula, they are not too few either. As long as we join the war, MacArthur will inevitably concentrate his forces to attack us. By then, other places will be depleted of troops, making this a perfect opportunity to open up the battlefield behind enemy lines."

In fact, the best way is to set up a unified command to command the volunteer army and the Korean People's Army entering North Korea.

But it’s not that simple.

China had sent about 700,000 troops, so it was impossible for Jinricheng to command them. Moreover, Jinricheng's shortcomings in command ability had become apparent over the course of several months during the Korean War.

Although Jinricheng had fought for many years, the battles he fought in the Anti-Japanese United Army were limited in scale. Jinricheng himself had never commanded tens or hundreds of thousands of troops in battle. In terms of commanding large troops and analyzing grand strategies, he was clearly inferior to these Chinese generals.

It was also impossible for Wei Hongjun to directly command the Volunteer Army and the Korean People's Army. North Korea was a sovereign state after all, and Jinricheng was currently in a state of panic due to the defeat. It was even more impossible for him to hand over his troops to others at this time.

So Wei Hongjun avoided this sensitive topic.

Once the Volunteer Army entered North Korea and won two victories, Stalin would certainly support the Volunteer Army and Wei Hongjun. As long as Stalin said so, these things would happen naturally, and Jin Cheng would not be able to object.

"it is good."

Deng Guo nodded.

Wei Hongjun looked at Deng Guo and said, "The situation in Pyongyang is deteriorating. The UN forces could capture Pyongyang at any time. The retreat of the Korean People's Army and Party and government officials would be chaotic. Therefore, after discussing this with Comrade Jinricheng, we must retreat as quickly as possible."

"Ah."

"be careful."

After Deng Guo entered North Korea, Wei Hongjun continued to prepare.

The situation in Pyongyang was becoming increasingly critical, and Wei Hongjun could no longer wait. So, with the approval of the Central Committee, on September 1950, 9, the Volunteer Army and its troops began to secretly enter North Korea.

Wei Hongjun made preparations for a long time in order to enter North Korea.

Crossing a river with so many troops was no easy task. This time, the Volunteer Army utilized nine river bridges and constructed 9 pontoon bridges to begin their entry into North Korea. The 23th Corps primarily entered North Korea from the Ji'an, Linjiang, and Changbai areas, while the bulk of the 13th Corps entered primarily from Andong, though they also entered from other locations.

Pyongyang fell on September 1950, 9, the second day after the volunteer army entered North Korea.

838 Lure the enemy deep into our territory

"Commander, this is the enemy intelligence we have obtained so far."