Regarding this issue, Wei Hongjun had many discussions with the cadres of the North China Bureau when he was in the Bureau.

At this stage, and even for a long time to come, it is impossible to completely eliminate private ownership and the foundation of private ownership. Under these circumstances, the issue of ownership becomes crucial. Protecting a certain foundation of private ownership and not undermining it is essential for the development of the public economy.

Because the cadres of the North China Bureau paid great attention to this aspect.

Seeing no further questions, Lai Ruoyu continued, "Second point: We hope to transform all mutual aid groups in the province into cooperatives within three to five years. Mutual aid groups in Shanxi have a long history, and the local people have a strong foundation. Furthermore, the Shanxi Provincial Party Committee and local governments have been exploring the cooperative model for several years. We are confident that there will be no problems during this process."

"What about the newly liberated areas that don't have mutual aid groups? Should we develop mutual aid groups first, or go straight to the cooperative model?"

Wei Hongjun put down the pen in his hand and asked again.

Wei Hongjun's question echoed the concerns of many cadres in the newly liberated areas. Shanxi was the former base of the Eighth Route Army, whose presence began with the July 7 Incident. Through rent and interest reductions, land reform, mutual aid groups, and pilot cooperatives, the region has steadily progressed to its current state, uniting rural credit cooperatives throughout the region. Even Lai Ruoyu stated that it would take three to five years to establish cooperatives throughout Shanxi.

But the newly liberated areas are different.

It has only been a year since the land reform was completed, and there are still many issues that need to be adjusted.

Lai Ruoyu said, "Secretary Wei, I'm not very familiar with the situation in the newly liberated areas because I haven't actually visited them. But based on my experience in Shanxi, I don't think the newly liberated areas are suitable for directly adopting the cooperative model. After all, even our old liberated areas needed time to gradually transition to the cooperative model. It would be more appropriate for the newly liberated areas to first unite in the mutual aid group model, and then, after gaining a certain amount of experience and training cadres in this area, to adopt the cooperative model."

Although the Shanxi Provincial Party Committee proposed to enter the cooperative model, the leaders of the Shanxi Provincial Party Committee are not the kind of cadres who are eager for quick success and instant benefits.

Lai Ruoyu continued, "Third, the cooperative's distribution method is primarily based on a basic grain and labor grain model. Our experiments have shown that, given current productivity, a six-to-four ratio of basic grain to labor grain is appropriate. However, this is only based on current productivity and the specific conditions across Shanxi. Special regions can adjust this ratio based on their own circumstances. Furthermore, as productivity develops and grain production rises, we will gradually increase the proportion of labor grain. Our goal is to have labor grain surpass basic grain. This way, we can ensure the subsistence of rural residents while also correctly implementing the system of distribution according to work, and clarifying the concept of prosperity through hard work in rural areas."

This distribution method is also related to the fourth point raised by Secretary Wei. Since ancient times, rural China has been a self-sufficient small-scale peasant economy. Farmers' lifestyles and production methods are decentralized. Unlike the working class, they do not need division of labor and joint production. They do not want to be constrained. Especially after land reform, they prefer individual and household self-production rather than division of labor and joint production. Retaining sufficient labor grain and increasing farmers' enthusiasm for production are also aimed at addressing this negative factor among farmers.

The Shanxi Provincial Party Committee has indeed given deep thought to the issue of cooperatives.

Lai Ruoyu responded fluently to Wei Hongjun's questions. This was because many areas in Shanxi had already piloted cooperatives and had accumulated sufficient experience. Although everyone had considered the issue of cooperatives before the meeting, none of them had the thorough understanding of the matter that the Shanxi Provincial Party Committee had.

"To address the negative factors among farmers, in addition to increasing the proportion of labor-based grain, we must also increase public accumulation. Mutual aid groups have previously implemented this approach, increasing their assets, which are then shared among their members. But this is only the foundation. We also need to address rural healthcare and education, including rural transportation, water conservancy projects, and other areas. However, these public accumulations are simply impossible for individual households to achieve. Only under the cooperative model, with sufficient public accumulation, can we develop rural healthcare and education, allowing the vast majority of farmers to enjoy them. Only by allowing our farmers to feel the public benefits brought by cooperatives can we suppress their negative desire for self-production."

Wei Hongjun asked again, "Comrade Lai Ruoyu, you need to understand something. Given China's current rural productivity, given the burden of state grain production, rural public accumulation, and the need to address rural healthcare, education, and transportation, farmers' lives won't change much. One or two years is fine, but what about five or six? Public accumulations like healthcare, education, and transportation won't be noticeable in a few years. However, the difference in food and clothing is immediately noticeable. One year you eat porridge, and next year you eat rice. That change is immediately apparent."

Cooperatives, including the later people's communes, were actually public accumulation.

While this kind of public accumulation is indeed a broad accumulation of wealth, for individual farmers, it's often not felt. While the widespread availability of healthcare and education may bring temporary joy, it's only a temporary euphoria.

How can it be as obvious as the food and clothing that we can see and touch?

Lai Ruoyu said, "Secretary Wei, precisely because most people are easily blinded by immediate gains, we must focus on long-term interests. Things like medical care, education, and transportation, which may not show immediate results, must be developed."

Wei Hongjun did not continue to question.

Because this involves the issue of "small benevolent government" and "great benevolent government" that the Chairman has mentioned in history.

Deng Zhihui said: "If we implement agricultural production cooperatives, then cooperative cadres are the top priority. But where can we draw so many cadres from at the moment?" New China had been founded for almost two years.

The situation has always been constrained by a shortage of cadres. The cities need cadres, and the countryside also needs cadres.

Unlike many previous rural situations, if cooperatives were implemented, the number of rural cadres needed would far exceed the current level. But how could New China possibly deploy so many cadres to the countryside? Lai Ruoyu did not answer.

Because this question is too big, it is not something that he, the Secretary of the Shanxi Provincial Party Committee, can answer.

It was Wei Hongjun who spoke again: "For a cooperative to develop, three things must be done well. The first is to improve production. Grain output must be increased to improve people's lives. This is the material foundation. There will be a conflict between immediate and long-term interests, but there is also unity. We must strike a balance. While ensuring long-term interests, we must also listen to the voices of the people regarding their immediate interests. Only in this way can the cooperative last and be vibrant."

“Secondly, the policy must be clear: cooperatives can have the participation of landlords and rich peasants, but the leadership of the cooperatives must be firmly in the hands of the people. We cannot allow our cooperatives to be controlled by landlords, rich peasants, and religious leaders.

It is controlled by ethnic forces and has become a new place for oppression of the people.

"The third is what Comrade Deng Zhihui said, the issue of cooperative cadres. Of course, the cadres sent to the cooperative are important, but the internal rules and regulations of the cooperative are even more important. We must slowly explore the rules and regulations that are most suitable for the cooperative.

Establish a democratic system within the cooperative, an election system, and a system for public disclosure of social affairs; improve the Party committee and inner-party democracy within the cooperative; establish a system where cadres, the masses and the masses can criticize each other; and

"We should cultivate a good atmosphere of criticism and self-criticism. At the same time, the cooperative cadres we send should know how to rely on and cultivate local rural cadres. It's not a problem if cooperative cadres have shortcomings; as long as they are willing to learn, they are good cadres."

Deng Zhihui nodded and said nothing more.

There are also many mutual aid group models in East China and Central and South China.

It's just not as good as the old liberated areas.

Company.

Deng Zhihui has also considered a lot about the future development of rural areas. At this stage, Deng Zhihui does not oppose the development of cooperatives. Or many cadres working in rural areas do not oppose the development of cooperatives.

Because cooperatives began to be experimented with in the early years of the Central Soviet Area.

Many cadres believe that socialism is about limiting private ownership. Cooperatives are about increasing public assets, limiting and weakening private ownership. Eliminating private ownership is a slogan of communism, and many CCP cadres believe that

Of course I believe it.

But everyone has some doubts about the cooperative.

How to develop cooperatives.

Now the Shanxi Provincial Party Committee has put forward a sufficiently complete plan. Listening to Wei Hongjun's words, we know that the proposal of the cooperative is not a whim. Besides, Lai Ruozi, Tao Lujia and other cadres of the Shanxi Provincial Party Committee, although they were

He was involved in the revolution in Shanxi, Hebei, Shandong, and Henan, and had no historical connection with Wei Hongjun. However, after the establishment of the North China Bureau, cadres from the Shanxi Provincial Committee all became very close to Wei Hongjun. This was because Wei Hongjun and they shared similar political views and were considered political comrades.

Wei Hongjun's previous question, seemingly a question, actually addressed other people's concerns, thereby improving the Shanxi Provincial Party Committee's proposal. "Comrades, please feel free to raise any questions you have about the cooperative proposal put forward by the Shanxi Provincial Party Committee. Let's discuss it together."

829 Cooperative and Agricultural Reclamation Report

At this rural work conference, the issue of cooperatives was the most intensely discussed.

During the revolution, everyone was envious of the Soviet collective farms. In their minds, they were a paradise. But when China began developing its own cooperatives, everyone discovered that such cooperative production wasn't easy. Having worked in rural areas for many years, everyone understood the many problems that needed to be addressed.

Why did the Chinese Communist Party only attach importance to the workers' movement and not the peasants' movement in its early days?

This is because compared to workers, peasants are too scattered. Thousands of years of self-sufficient small-scale farming have made organizing peasants much more difficult than organizing workers. Even though the People's Republic of China was founded in the countryside, peasants still lack the discipline of workers.

Therefore, how to overcome these problems and develop cooperatives is what everyone considers most.

After several days of discussion, the National Rural Work Conference chaired by Wei Hongjun adopted the "Decision on Further Improving Agricultural Production" and the "Resolution on Mutual Aid and Cooperation in Agricultural Production (Draft)." These resolutions primarily approved the Shanxi Provincial Party Committee's proposals.

In the old liberated areas, mature mutual aid groups can be directly transitioned into agricultural production cooperatives, depending on the situation. Less mature mutual aid groups can gradually transition into agricultural production cooperatives. Within three to five years, rural areas in the old liberated areas will fully transition into the agricultural production cooperative stage. As for the newly liberated areas, vigorously develop the mutual aid group model in preparation for the next step toward transitioning into agricultural production cooperatives.

Then, various rules and regulations for the cooperative should be formulated as soon as possible.

To formulate cooperative regulations and research future rural work, Wei Hongjun proposed establishing a Rural Work Policy Research Office within the Rural Work Committee. This office would provide policy support. Luo Weilin, formerly a member of the North China Land Reform Working Committee and currently serving as Director of the Shanxi Provincial Department of Agriculture, was promoted to Director of the newly established Rural Work Policy Research Office. Luo Weilin, a former middle school teacher, was one of the first students at Wei Hongjun's Rural Training Institute in Sheng County and one of the earliest cadres to explore cooperatives in the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei region.

Later, Lai Ruoyu, Tao Lujia, and Xie Xuegong developed agricultural production cooperatives in Shanxi and applied to transfer Luo Weilin to Shanxi. Luo Weilin has been working there for the past two years and also contributed to the Shanxi Provincial Party Committee's proposal.

Of course this is a huge matter.

Although it was adopted at the National Rural Work Conference, it still needs the final approval of the central government.

The Central Committee convened a meeting to discuss the contents of the National Rural Work Conference. Although Ren Peiguo had returned from the Soviet Union, the Central Committee mandated that he reduce his work schedule. He was not allowed to attend any general meetings.

Ren Peiguo was only allowed to attend and handle important meetings and documents. Daily work hours were limited to four to six hours. Therefore, the Party Central Committee work previously handled by Ren Peiguo was now handled by Nie Shuai and Gao Gang. Ren Peiguo did not attend this meeting.

There are quite a few such cadres in the central government at present.

Just like Coach Luo, he is currently in a forced rest period. The Chairman even wrote to Coach Luo personally, asking him not to hold meetings or attend them. If there are any issues, he can talk to the cadres one-on-one to handle important matters. He needs to rest during normal times.

It’s all because of poor health.

In addition to the Chairman and Vice Chairman of the Central Committee, the meeting also included General Secretary Gao Gang, members of the Standing Committee of the Rural Work Committee, and Lai Ruoyu and Tao Lujia of the Shanxi Provincial Committee.

Xie Xuegong and others were present.

After the meeting began, the central leaders had different opinions on the issue of cooperatives.

"I believe that the conditions are not yet ripe for taking steps to shake up private ownership. Rushing to establish agricultural production cooperatives when we have no tractors or fertilizers is a form of utopian agricultural socialism. China is still in the New Democratic period, and it is unrealistic to usher in socialism directly into our rural areas simply through mutual aid groups and agricultural production cooperatives."

Comrade Xiuyang opposed the Shanxi Provincial Party Committee's statement.

His thinking was not much different from that of the 1947 National Rural Work Conference. Comrade Xiuyang still believed that China's rural areas still needed to go through a period of independent production to accumulate rural wealth. The emergence of new landlords and rich peasants during this process was acceptable.

Although many of Comrade Xiuyang's views were opposed by the North China and Northeast China Bureaus at that National Rural Conference, the conference also stipulated that land should be nationalized and the sale of rural land should be prohibited, which fundamentally resolved the issue of land annexation.

But he still insisted.

Wei Hongjun was the secretary of the Rural Work Committee and the host of this National Rural Work Conference. So Wei Hongjun could only be the first to stand up and say: "Comrade Xiuyang

I think your concerns are reasonable.

But they also only see the negative side, not the positive. With only the state-owned economy in the cities and no cooperative economy in the countryside, it would be impossible to lead the working people's individual economy towards collectivization, and it would be impossible to develop from a new democratic society to a future socialist society. And more importantly, China's industrialization requires an organized and united rural cooperative economy to supplement and support it, not a fragmented, individual peasant economy. Only a rural cooperative economy can complement urban industrialization, providing the food and capital needed for urban industrialization and a broad market for its products.

"What we want to shake is the private ownership brought about by private means of production, not the private means of subsistence of the people. We must protect the legitimate personal property of the people.

To eliminate the dependence on means of production

China is now in the new democratic stage, but the state-owned economy in cities, mutual aid groups and cooperatives in rural areas, these new democratic order are in the process of being established.

Every day and every moment, society is growing

Socialist factors have always been shaking the private ownership based on the private means of production. So what we are talking about is not the elimination of the private ownership foundation in a short period of time, but rather a long period of development to shake, restrict, weaken, and ultimately eliminate it.

The current mutual aid groups, and their transformation into agricultural production cooperatives, are part of the gradual transition from New Democracy to socialism. This is a long process, a gradual move toward socialism, not a blind, unrealistic approach. Throughout this process, we must oppose leftist tendencies. Blindly developing cooperatives based on indicators, regardless of current conditions, is leftist. However, a planned, step-by-step approach to socialism is not leftist. Of course, we must also oppose rightist tendencies throughout this process. We must be clear that our country will undoubtedly achieve socialism in the future.

Therefore, the current mutual aid groups and cooperatives are a transitional stage between New Democracy and socialism.

Even Comrade Xiuyang always has a one-sided view on private ownership.

They confuse private ownership based on the means of production with the personal property of the masses. They confuse the view put forward at the National Rural Work Conference that the foundation of private ownership should be "shaken, restricted, weakened, and ultimately eliminated" with the idea of ​​depriving the masses of their personal property.

So Wei Hongjun naturally refuted it.

The reason why Wei Hongjun promoted cooperatives was for the next step of China's industrialization.

After Stalin and Chairman Mao's first meeting in 1948, a cooperation agreement was reached. Over the next two years, cooperation between the two sides deepened, and Soviet-aided projects expanded. However, the greater the cooperation with the Soviet Union, the more difficult the Chinese government's finances became. In 1949, the Finance and Economic Committee rectified the national finances, but the fiscal deficit continued to grow.

To put it bluntly, there is no money.

Wei Hongjun also had to consider what would happen after large-scale industrial development. Where would industrial products go after large-scale industrial development? Especially heavy industrial products, where would they go? China's rural areas, including its towns and villages, account for over 90% of the country's population.

This is the big market.

Even if the countryside is poor, with so many people, this is a market that no one can ignore. But how to develop this market? The individual economy of one person and one household, especially the poor foundation

The extremely poor rural areas of China,

It is impossible to become the market that the government needs. Individual households have a hard time even buying the most basic means of production, such as oxen and farm tools.

Moreover, in the future, we will undertake industrial production

How could rural households, with only one person per household, afford such agricultural machinery? Not to mention the 07s and 08s, even at the beginning of the new millennium, when China's economy had already developed significantly, the penetration rate of agricultural machinery in rural areas remained very low. It wasn't until around and that agricultural machinery began to be used on a large scale in rural areas of New China.

It can be seen that the rural small-scale peasant economy with one person per household is simply unable to take on those industrial products in a short period of time.

The best way is to transform each rural area into a production and consumption unit. Only by uniting the limited capital in rural areas can they become a market and absorb part of the industrial capacity.

Why was it that, despite the historically robust development of cooperatives in China, Chairman Mao suddenly mandated a doubling of the number of rural cooperatives after 1956, from just over 60 to 120 million? This was because around 1956, not only were many new industrial projects launched, but many also began mass production. Simply put, China's industrialization at the time required this kind of cooperation from the countryside.

Stalin's death would present another enormous opportunity for China. China would once again have the opportunity to undertake large-scale Soviet aid projects. The historical conflict between Chairman Mao and Deng Zhihui would reappear. Chairman Mao wanted the countryside to cooperate with the national industrialization drive, but Deng Zhihui, considering the rural realities, considered this too radical.

So Wei Hongjun needs to start deploying in advance.

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