Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

"Our country has been plagued by thousands of years of feudalism, and the people of our country still have very strong feudal remnants. We need to educate the people, unite the people, and let them independently transform their backward feudal thinking.

Instead of being high and mighty and preaching to the masses, or simply not caring about the problems faced by the masses, closing the windows and burying oneself in creation.

Gao Gang is dissatisfied with both the Cultural and Educational Committee and the Propaganda Department.

What proposals were submitted?

Gao Gang also reviewed the projects currently being recommended by local propaganda departments. Politicians, aside from other things, absolutely require abundant energy. Especially those in the early days of the People's Republic of China, who all worked sixteen or seventeen hours a day?

The same is true for Gao Gang.

When he was in Northeast China, he was in charge of land reform and he traveled to many rural areas in Northeast China.

Now I work at the central level.

Still full of energy.

In order to address the issue of changing social customs and understanding the current problems with propaganda, he watched all the movies, musicals, and other shows that had been highly recommended by local propaganda departments over the past two years. The more Gao Gang watched, the angrier he became.

So I got angry directly at this meeting.

Wei Hongjun listened to Gao Gang getting angry, but he still agreed with him in his heart.

After the founding of the People's Republic of China, a large number of experts and scholars from the Kuomintang-controlled areas came to the Propaganda Department and the Cultural and Educational Committee. Things that had been criticized several times in the liberated areas reappeared after the founding of the People's Republic of China.

After the central government transferred cadres from local central bureaus, Xi Zhongxun served as deputy director of the Culture and Education Committee and head of the Propaganda Department. However, after Xi Zhongxun became head of the Propaganda Department, his work did not go smoothly.

Because he is young, only 36 years old this year, he is considered a very young cadre among the current central leaders.

Plus he has been in the northwest.

He was one of the representatives of Shaanxi-Northern cadres during the Red Army period, and he was always in the northwest during the Anti-Japanese War and the War of Liberation. He has no foundation in the current Propaganda Department, including the major central newspapers and local propaganda fields.

Minister, they all have their own foundations and their own territories.

The reason why Wei Hongjun did not bring it up is because his identity is different now.

In the field of propaganda, if Wei Hongjun reaches out without any reason, it will break the rules. Wei Hongjun is already a high-ranking official in the State Council. If he reaches out to other departments, it will make many other people wary.

The leadership is currently deeply entrenched within the central government. Once Wei Hongjun joins the Politburo, many will be wary. Therefore, without sufficient justification, Wei Hongjun cannot blindly interfere in the affairs of other departments at this time.

But Gao Gang doesn't have such a problem.

As the General Secretary of the Central Committee and the First Secretary of the Secretariat, Gao Gang was in charge of the daily work of the Party Central Committee. Gao Gang could legitimately intervene in propaganda work because the Propaganda Department was not a department of the State Council, but a department of the Party Committee.

Of course, it is also because Gao Gang is a bold and courageous person.

If Gao Gang is responsible for the day-to-day work of the Party Central Committee, then Comrade Xiu Yang is in charge of the Party's current major tasks. The Organization Department, the Propaganda Department, and even the Secretariat are currently under the leadership of Comrade Xiu Yang.

Wei Hongjun couldn't accurately judge Gao Gang's intentions as he began attacking the Propaganda Department. Gao Gang currently presided over the Secretariat, but he wasn't satisfied with his current position. It was possible he wanted to expand his influence within the Party Committee.

But Wei Hongjun still has to support this fire.

Because the current propaganda department does have too many problems.

So he said: "I agree with what Comrade Gao Gang just said. The main task of our propaganda department now should be to try every possible means to break the feudal shackles on the people. Let's talk about the countryside in our country. It's not that the land reform overthrew

If the feudal land ownership system is abolished, the peasants will be freed from the feudal shackles. This is only the visible shackles, there are many invisible shackles. The backward feudal ideas in the countryside and the submissive slave mentality formed by the peasants under feudal oppression for thousands of years are all the result of the feudal system.

This is the most serious feudal shackle on the peasants. What we, the propaganda department, need to do is to work hard to help our people remove these feudal shackles and allow them to truly become independent.”

"If we want our people to be independent, then the works of our propaganda department should not be floating in the air. Now many of our propaganda department's works are actually very good, and they are also vigorously criticizing our backward ideas. But

What you wrote is too abstruse, and you have forgotten that our country is a country with a large number of illiterate people. Many of our people simply cannot understand your works, and do not understand what you are writing about. How can such works educate our people and unite our people, because the people do not understand what you mean. Our propaganda departments and our literary and art workers must know how to make the people understand our works. If we want to complete works that the people need, then our propaganda cadres and our literary and art workers must actually understand the current lives of the people and create works that are close to the lives of the people. In these works, backward feudal ideas are criticized. Only by being close to the people can we achieve success.

Only by understanding life can the people understand it.'

“I know that if we ask our artists to do this, they may think that we are suppressing their creative freedom and that we, the Communist Party, are interfering with art through politics. But I think our artists should understand one thing, that is,

What China needs is for everyone to unite and help our people get rid of the oppression of feudal ideas, so that our people can quickly grow into qualified builders of a new socialist China and masters of a new China. This is

The most important thing for New China at this stage is also the historical mission entrusted to us, the literary and art workers, by history.”

"it is good."

Gao Gang clapped happily.

At the Secretariat meeting, Wei Hongjun spoke out, showing great support for Gao Gang.

This is a huge support for Gao Gang's next work.

Upon hearing what Gao Gang and Wei Hongjun said, Xi Zhongxun immediately said, "On behalf of the Propaganda Department, I'm doing a self-criticism. There have indeed been issues with the department's propaganda approach during this period. Everyone believes that the informal propaganda methods used during the war years after the founding of the People's Republic of China need to be changed, and that formal warfare methods are now needed. However, everyone forgets that nearly 80% of our country's population is illiterate, and the remaining 10% or more who can read can only understand simple texts. No more than 5% of the people in China can understand the articles used in formal warfare propaganda. And for this 5%, we have neglected the 95% of the population. This is my responsibility as the Minister of Propaganda."

Xi Zhongxun has long wanted to reorganize the Propaganda Department.

But the resistance is too great.

The current main leaders of the Propaganda Department are all famous writers.

Just like the Chairman said, in wartime, killing a few landlords was no big deal because everyone's attention was on the war. But in peacetime, if you kill a few landlords, everyone's attention will be focused on this matter.

This is the difficulty of land reform in peacetime.

The same is true for publicity.

In wartime, suppressing some intellectuals wasn't a major issue, as it wasn't the primary conflict. But peacetime is different. These propaganda leaders currently have an aura around them. On the one hand, they are revolutionaries within the revolutionary ranks, considered heroes of the new China. On the other hand, they are renowned intellectuals, wielding considerable influence among the educated. They are propaganda officials who can play both sides of the fence.

If you touch them, public opinion will worsen.

Xi Zhongxun came to the central government from the northwest and had a shallow foundation in the central government, so it was difficult to take action against these people.

But now he saw a good opportunity.

Gao Gang and Wei Hongjun both criticized the Propaganda Department, and Xi Zhongxun wanted to use this opportunity to rectify the Propaganda Department and gain a firm foothold within it. That's why he was so proactive in his self-criticism.

Rao Shushi nodded and said, "The current situation in the propaganda department needs to be rectified. The Central Committee wants to change customs and habits, and the propaganda department must keep up. However, if the propaganda department continues to be the guiding spirit, then how can we truly change customs and habits? If we want to help the people break free from the shackles of feudalism and change customs and habits, our propaganda must go deep into the people and must be close to them."

Gao Gang is very proud now.

There are seven secretaries of the Secretariat, and Wang Jiaxiang is in Moscow, so the Secretariat's work is decided by six secretaries. Now that four people support the rectification of the propaganda department, and Xi Zhongxun, the Minister of Propaganda, has also made a self-criticism, things will be much easier.

Gao Gang had long wanted to use the Secretariat to interfere with the Organization Department, Propaganda Department, and other Party committee bodies. He had simply never had the opportunity. The Central Committee's move to change social customs presented a golden opportunity for the Secretariat to intervene in the Propaganda Department, and Gao Gang certainly wasn't going to let it go.

Wei Hongjun looked at Gao Gang and sighed in his heart.

I don't know if this meeting's support for Gao Gang was the right thing to do. Comrade Xiuyang and Gao Gang currently have a lot of overlap in their work. But they've been at odds since the beginning of the Rectification Movement, and their policies have been diametrically opposed.

Gao Gang had the opportunity to intervene in the Propaganda Department this time, and later in the Organization Department. Since Gao Gang was the General Secretary of the Central Committee, he was responsible for handling the daily work of the Party Central Committee and had enough power to intervene in these Party committee departments.

However, these departments are currently also managed by Comrade Xiuyang.

Political turmoil.

Wei Hongjun hated it the most, but he also knew it was something he couldn't avoid. While this incident might exacerbate the conflict between Comrade Xiuyang and Gao Gang, Wei Hongjun had no regrets. After all, the current propaganda department needed to be rectified.

I just hope Gao Gang doesn’t move too much.

823 High-strength Action

After the Secretariat meeting ended, Gao Gang sorted out the content of the Secretariat meeting and reported it to the Central Committee.

In many ways, Gao Gang truly hit upon the Chairman's favorite points, and many of his ideas coincided with his. It's fair to say there was a reason Gao Gang's rapid rise in Party standing during the Liberation War and the early years of the revolution was due to the fact that many of his political philosophies closely aligned with the Chairman's.

After the founding of New China, there was ideological confusion within the Party.

Of course this is understandable.

Because no one had ever built a socialist country, the cadres within the party had their own ideas about how to build and develop a socialist country. In addition, everyone participated in the revolution with the goal of national independence and liberation. For this goal, many people chose the Communist Party of China because they believed that the Communist Party of China could accomplish this task. But that was all. They chose the Communist Party of China only to build a new China. They were not necessarily supporters of Marxism-Leninism. When fighting, everyone could ignore these things for the sake of victory. But after the founding of the People's Republic of China, when it came to the question of where the new China should go, these contradictions began to emerge.

When such disagreements arise, you cannot say who is right or wrong, because it is normal for everyone to have different views on socialist construction.

During the war years, many things were clear. Chairman Mao was unrivaled in Party building, military development, strategy, and tactics, so everyone was convinced. Occasional dissenting opinions were quickly vindicated by reality. From the KMT-CCP ​​split to the Agrarian Revolution, Chairman Mao's ability in these areas was repeatedly demonstrated.

So after trial and error and setbacks, everyone unanimously recognized the Chairman's correctness and established the Chairman's position as the core leader within the Party.

But what about socialist construction?

Fighting a war is a completely different matter. Being a strong fighter doesn't guarantee you'll also be a strong leader in construction. Consequently, many of the Chairman's ideas faced considerable opposition from high-ranking Party officials. Comrade Xiuyang and the Premier also disagreed with the Chairman on many points. These high-ranking Party officials were all powerful, and the Chairman couldn't completely control everything. Therefore, the Chairman desperately needed political allies at this time.

It was at this time that Gao Gang emerged.

This was a capable and courageous general who could fight for his political line. Gao Gang's status in the party rose rapidly in the early days of liberation. In addition to his own outstanding political achievements, it was also because he was a political ally of Chairman Mao.

But Gao Gang has a big appetite.

He saw policy differences between the Chairman and some Party leaders, and so he repeatedly attacked Comrade Xiuyang and the Premier, aiming to replace them and become the "crown prince." Unfortunately, he only saw the differences, failing to appreciate that their unity outweighed their differences. The Chairman did have differences with Party leaders, but they had not reached the point of completely ripping the top leadership apart. This was because they shared common views on many other fronts.

With the People's Republic of China newly established, the Chairman did not wish to undermine the unity within the Party. Furthermore, the Chairman has never been opposed to disagreements and debates within the Party. He even believes that debates and even struggles within the Party are normal.

This is why Gao Gang failed in the end.

The same is true in this time and space. After the founding of New China, there were many differences between the Chairman and the Party leadership on the issue of socialist construction. The Chairman originally placed his hopes on Marshal Nie.

Marshal Nie possessed strong political discipline and was able to faithfully implement the Central Committee's directives. However, while he wasn't cunning in his political philosophy, he wasn't the type of cadre with unbridled determination. While he could execute the Chairman's policies and be a very capable implementer, the Chairman trusted him greatly. However, he also knew that Nie wouldn't be the political ally or comrade he desired.

Therefore, Gao Gang is still a political ally that the Chairman appreciates and needs.

Just like this time.

The Chairman was delighted after reading the Secretariat's report. He believed the Secretariat had accurately identified the current problems within the propaganda department. The most important task for New China today was to educate and unite the people. Yet, many intellectuals within the propaganda department were drawn to art and pedantic discussions. How could such works resonate with the people, educate and unite them?

The propaganda department still needs to be down-to-earth.

Whether it is a work or an article, it must be understood by the masses, especially those who are illiterate. Only when these people understand it can they be educated and propaganda be effective.

Therefore, the Chairman instructed the Secretariat to compile a plan for the rectification of the Propaganda Department, with Comrade Gao Gang taking full responsibility. He then forwarded the document to Comrade Xiu Yang, as Comrade Xiu Yang had always been in charge of Party affairs at the Central Committee.

Comrade Xiuyang was quite surprised. After all, Gao Gang's attack was a surprise.

Comrade Xiuyang was in charge of Party affairs at the Central Committee, and matters concerning the Secretariat should have been communicated to him. If Gao Gang was dissatisfied with the Propaganda Department, his first point of contact should have been Comrade Xiuyang. However, Gao Gang did not communicate with Comrade Xiuyang, who was in charge of Party affairs. Instead, he suddenly attacked the Propaganda Department at a Secretariat meeting, and received support from everyone there.

It made him feel quite embarrassed.

Comrade Xiuyang was very dissatisfied with this, as Gao Gang was breaking the rules. If possible, Comrade Xiuyang hoped Peng Zhen could take charge of the Secretariat, as Peng Zhen had strong organizational skills and would never do something that violated the rules.

However, things had happened, and he had to take a stand. Comrade Xiuyang immediately convened a Secretariat meeting to develop a plan to rectify the problems in the propaganda department. Comrade Xiuyang believed that the current problems in the propaganda department were primarily due to the fact that propaganda cadres had not yet adapted to the era of development. Rectification should begin with educating propaganda cadres.

Finally, Comrade Xiuyang and the Secretariat decided to form a rectification team consisting of Gao Gang, Peng Zhen, Rao Shushi, Guo Moruo, and Xi Zhongxun. Gao Gang was resolute and decisive.

Convene a national publicity work conference immediately.

At the meeting, Gao Gang repeatedly emphasized that propaganda work must not be divorced from the people. He then began to criticize several typical problems and figures within the propaganda department. Gao Gang's target was Deputy Minister of Propaganda Lu Dingyi. His dissatisfaction with Lu Dingyi had been going on for a long time.

Because when he had disagreements with other cadres, including Comrade Xiu Yang, the Propaganda Department often sided with the others, and Gao Gang had always been at odds with him. Earlier, when Gao Gang was leading the "Three Antis Movement," he had wanted to reorganize the Propaganda Department.

But it didn't work.

Because many of these people in the propaganda department may not agree with Gao Gang's ideas on propaganda methods.