Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Neither side gave in, and several talks ended in unpleasantness.

Why did this happen.

This was largely due to Soviet aid. After 1955, Soviet aid projects were implemented one after another, accelerating China's industrialization. However, China's weak industrial and economic foundations made it difficult to handle such a large number of industries.

The Chairman wants to speed up the development of cooperatives not only because of rural issues, but also for this matter.

But Deng Zhihui is a cadre in charge of rural work.

Based on the actual situation in rural areas, Deng Zhihui opposes artificially accelerating the pace of cooperatives.

This is a contradiction.

In order to undertake so many industrial projects, all central government work must revolve around industrial development, but this will harm other areas of work.

It's the same this time.

Although the number and scale of the industrial projects agreed upon this time are only about one-third of the 156 projects, they are still huge for China today. However, such a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity is impossible for China to pass up.

Therefore, the central government has decided that no matter how difficult it is, it must take on this "huge wealth".

So we accelerated some of the pace.

Originally, the central government wanted to slow down and prolong the New Democratic Revolution. However, reality forced the central government to constantly adjust its strategy. For example, these Soviet-aided projects, while funded by the Soviet Union, primarily provided machinery, equipment, and technology.

To build these factories, the central government still needs to pay for it itself.

What is heavy industry?

These are capital- and technology-intensive industries that require massive investments. But the central government didn't have the money. Since 1946, the central government has been running a deficit. By 1947, the deficit was already severe, and by 1948, it was even worse.

According to current calculations, the central government's fiscal deficit reached 1948 billion jin (millet) in 150.

This is still the situation now.

Once the Soviet-aided industrial projects began to take off, central government spending would double. In order to solve the central deficit problem, the central government had to unify the national finances.

Only in this way can plans be made and the central government's finances be sustained. At the same time, only by taking back fiscal power can the central government understand the current national economic situation and formulate economic plans.

This requires taking back financial power from local regions.

This wasn't so easy. At the Second Session of the Seventh Central Committee, Comrade Wu Hao was forced to apologize for proposing to relinquish power. But now, Sino-Soviet unification is imperative, as is large-scale industrial investment.

So no matter how difficult it is, the central government must take back power.

When the central government wants to take back power and local governments are reluctant, conflicts arise. To resolve these conflicts, the central government can only resort to frequent cadre transfers. Of course, by this time, some smart local cadres have already understood what they should do.

After all, it wasn’t long ago that the central government criticized and suppressed the “localism” of the South China Branch.

The first to react was Coach Lin.

The Central Committee originally hoped that Marshal Lin would continue to lead the Central-South Bureau, but Marshal Lin sent a telegram to the Central Committee, saying that his health was really unable to work normally and he hoped to go to the Soviet Union for treatment. After discussion, the Central Committee agreed with Marshal Lin's opinion and allowed him to put aside his work at the Central-South Bureau and go to the Soviet Union for treatment and recuperation.

In fact, for a period of time after the end of the Crossing the Yangtze River Campaign, Marshal Lin was lying in bed commanding the battle.

There was no solution during the war.

During the Anti-Japanese War, Luo Shuai was unable to hold his own in Shandong. Due to the intense conflict between the 115th Division and the Shandong Column, Luo Shuai wanted to leave Shandong. However, the Central Committee disagreed, as Shandong needed Luo Shuai to be in charge.

This was also the case during the Battle of Jinan in history.

The Military Commission specifically ordered Xu Shiyou to command the battle at the front. When Xu Shiyou arrived at the front to command the Battle of Jinan, he was far from being as energetic as he was portrayed in TV dramas. In fact, Xu Shiyou's health was very poor at the time, but he was forced to command the battle at the front.

This kind of thing is very common during wartime.

The front-line commanders were unable to sleep for several days and nights, and their energy was severely depleted, which eventually led to physical exhaustion.

Now that New China had been established, the central government wasn't as anxious as it had been during the war. There was no need to send sick frontline commanders to command battles. Furthermore, the Central South Bureau was too large and powerful. Marshal Lin's report at this time was actually quite satisfying to the central government. That's why the central government quickly approved Marshal Lin's request.

After Marshal Lin left, positions in the Central-South Bureau, the Central-South Military Region, the Fourth Field Army, and the Central-South Military and Political Committee all became vacant.

This time the central government has made up its mind.

Many things must be done no matter how difficult they are.

The first step taken by the Military Commission was to decide to disband the field army.

The Fourth Field Army was also disbanded this time. Compared with its historical existence of six years, this time the Fourth Field Army only existed for a little over a year.

The military is organized into different military regions, based on their location. Currently, the CMC administers six first-tier military regions: the Northeast, North China, Northwest, Southwest, Central South, and East China. The Southeast and South China Military Regions are two slightly lower-level regions, and there are four second-tier military regions directly under the CMC: the Xinjiang, Inner Mongolia, Shandong, and Yunnan regions.

As a result, the command of many troops began to change. For example, the 21st Corps, currently stationed in Henan, was under the leadership of the Fifth Field Army because it was stationed in Henan. The Henan Military Region and the 21st Corps had no subordinate relationship, so in normal times, the two sides had a cooperative relationship, not a leadership relationship.

But after the Fifth Field Army was abolished this time, the 21st Corps had nothing to do with the Fifth Field Army at all.

According to regulations, it is necessary to accept the leadership of the Central South Military Region and the Henan Military Region.

But this created a problem. That was the issue of how to arrange for the 21st Corps' commander, Wen Niansheng, and political commissar, Xiang Zhonghua. They were both corps commanders and political commissars, and not cadres who had just taken up the leadership of the corps.

They not only participated in the Battle of Pingjin, but also participated in the Battle of Jinan, the Sino-US Qingdao conflict, and after arriving in Henan, they participated in the Henan bandit suppression campaign. According to the previous situation, the 21st Corps could be directly transferred to a local second-level military region.

However, because the 21st Corps was under the Fifth Field Army, it had no postings in the Henan Military Region. But now that the field army has been abolished, what should be done with these corps leaders? Should they be sent to the Henan Military Region as deputy commanders? That would be highly inappropriate.

Henan's current cadre system is dominated by cadres from the Central Plains Bureau. While the 21st Corps has its 74th Army deployed to North China to form Soviet-equipped units, two armies remain in Henan. Including the Corps' directly affiliated units, the 21st Corps currently still has nearly 15 troops.

You're letting a Corps leader like that serve as deputy commander of the Henan Military Region? Not only are Wen Niansheng and his men dissatisfied, but even the current Henan Military Region leaders wouldn't agree.

The 21st Corps wasn't the only one facing problems. Many other units also faced similar challenges. Due to the war, they were unable to join the main force and were therefore left behind in other military regions. However, they were still organized under the field army system and therefore had no affiliation with the local military regions. However, with the abolition of the field army system, the affiliation of these units became problematic.

Historically, the Military Commission gradually abolished the field army organization only after sorting out these relationships.

However, the rapid pace of cooperation with the Soviet Union during this time and space meant that the Military Commission had little time to consider these issues. These remaining issues needed to be resolved step by step by the Central Committee and the Military Commission. Until these issues were resolved, the 21st Corps could only maintain its status quo.

After Marshal Lin Biao left Wuhan, the Central Committee appointed Marshal Ye as Acting Commander of the Central-South Military Region, Deng Zhihui as First Political Commissar, Tan Zheng as Second Political Commissar, Wang Zhi as Third Political Commissar, and Luo Renfa as Director of the Political Department. Deng Guo was appointed First Deputy Commander, Wang Qiuyun as Second Deputy Commander, Zhang Yunyi as Third Deputy Commander, and Zhang Zihua as Fourth Deputy Commander.

While the Central-South Military Region boasts overseeing the military forces of seven provinces, the South China Military Region and the Southeast Military Region have essentially become independent units. Therefore, the Central-South Military Region primarily oversees military operations in Henan, Hubei, and Hunan provinces. Of the numerous cadres within the Central-South Military Region, the majority are not physically located at the headquarters, as they each have their own specific responsibilities.

Although Marshal Ye was acting commander, the day-to-day operations of the military region fell to Second Political Commissar Tan Zheng, Director of the Political Department Luo Renfa, and Second Deputy Commander Wang Qiuyun. After Wang Qiuyun ascended from Fourth Deputy Commander to Second Deputy Commander, he concurrently served as Commander of the Hunan Military Region, but had already left Hunan and moved to Wuhan, where he began to manage the work of the Central-South Military Region.

Regarding the Central South Bureau, the Central Committee's decision differed from what many had expected. Instead of appointing Marshal Ye as First Secretary, as many had expected, the Central Committee appointed Deng Zhihui, who had previously presided over the Bureau's work, as First Secretary. Marshal Ye became Second Secretary, Tan Zheng became Third Secretary, Deng Guo became Fourth Secretary, and Luo Qirong became Fifth Secretary. Deng Zhihui also served as Acting Chairman of the Central South Military and Political Committee, while Marshal Ye became Vice Chairman.

Marshal Ye was transferred from the South China Branch.

After Marshal Ye left the South China Branch, Luo Qirong served as the first secretary of the South China Branch, Deng Guo served as the second secretary of the South China Branch, Tao Zhu served as the third secretary of the South China Branch, Yang Dezhi served as the fourth secretary of the South China Branch, and Zhang Yunyi served as the fifth secretary of the South China Branch.

The South China Military Region was established, with Deng Guo appointed Commander, Luo Qirong appointed First Political Commissar, Tao Zhu appointed Second Political Commissar, and Lai Chuanzhu appointed Third Political Commissar. Yang Dezhi, Commander of the 15th Corps, was appointed First Deputy Commander of the South China Military Region; Chen Kaikun, Commander of the 19th Corps, was appointed Third Deputy Commander; and Cheng Zhicai, Commander of the 16th Corps, was appointed Third Deputy Commander. Wang Daobang, Political Commissar of the 19th Corps, was appointed Deputy Political Commissar and Director of the Political Department of the South China Military Region.

It can be said that the local cadres of the South China Branch suffered a complete defeat in this round of adjustments.

Deng Zhihui became the de facto head of the Central South Bureau, while Luo Qirong became the de facto head of the South China Branch. Military affairs in Guangdong were handled by Deng Guo, while Party and government affairs were handled by Luo Qirong. Military affairs in Guangxi were handled by Yang Dezhi, while Party and government affairs were handled by Tao Zhu.

It seems that it has risen to the central and southern rooms.

But not only did he lose his position in the Hua Bureau. After arriving in the Central Plains, he was also ranked under Deng Zhixin's supervision and even served as the acting commander of the Central-South Military Region. His influence within the region wasn't as strong as one might have imagined. After all, Tan Zheng, Luo Renfa, and Wang Qiuyun, who presided over the Central-South Military Region, were all powerful figures from the Fourth Field Army. In the eyes of the Fourth Field Army's officers and soldiers, Marshal Ye was nothing more than an outsider. Furthermore, the Fourth Field Army's troops, going back to the 115th Division, were largely composed of members. They each had their own factions during the War of Resistance, but because they were from the 115th Division, they generally obeyed Marshal Lin Biao's command.

But Marshal Ye had basically no connection with these troops.

Then there are two prominent officials from the South China Branch. Comrade Fang Fang of Guangdong lost his position as Fifth Secretary of the South China Branch due to criticism, and is no longer even a member of the South China Branch's Standing Committee. Chen Tao now holds the position of Director of the Guangdong Land Reform Commission. Therefore, Fang Fang's current position is Vice Chairman of the Guangdong Provincial People's Government and Minister of Transportation. It can be said that he has been marginalized in South China politics.

Due to problems with bandit suppression efforts in Guangxi, Zhang Yunyi's ranking was demoted to Fifth Secretary of the South China Branch. Even within the Central South Military Region, Zhang Yunyi was originally the Second Deputy Commander, ahead of Deng Guo and Wang Qiuyun. However, after this reshuffle, Zhang Yunyi fell behind Deng Guo and Wang Qiuyun. If it weren't for his extensive experience, his ranking within the Central South Military Region would likely have fallen behind Zhang Zihua. While he was the Commander of the Guangxi Military Region in Guangxi, Yang Dezhi was currently fully responsible for military operations in the West.

These are all consequences of the central government's criticism of "localism".

The South China Branch became the target of the central government's crackdown on "localism," which affected Ye Shuai, Fang Fang, and Zhang Yunyi. The leadership of the South China Branch fell completely into the hands of Luo Qirong.

The Southeast Branch and the Southeast Military Region were very calm.

The main reason was that the Southeast Bureau had too many troops and cadres heading south. Jiangxi and Fujian provinces had three corps of the Fifth Field Army, plus local troops reorganized and joined along the way, so the military strength of the two provinces once reached 80.

Together with the cadres who moved south from North China, most of them entered Jiangxi and Fujian.

As a result, the troops and cadres heading south had a clear advantage in Jiangxi and Fujian. Another factor was that many of the troops and cadres heading south were from the former Central Soviet Area and were native to Jiangxi and Fujian. After arriving in Jiangxi and Fujian, they felt very familiar with the areas, unlike in Guangdong, where they had no language skills.

Then there are no outside bigwigs or cadres in the Southeast Branch.

The local cadres of the South China Branch dared to challenge a leader of Luo Qirong's level mainly because they had the support of Marshal Ye. However, this was not the case with the Southeast Branch.

Therefore, after Yang Quanwu was transferred, the Southeast Branch and the Southeast Military Region were also very stable.

After the establishment of the Southeast Military Region this time, Zhang Zihua served as the commander of the Southeast Military Region, Wang Zhi served as the first political commissar of the Southeast Military Region, Zhu Liangcai served as the second political commissar, Liu Shude served as the third political commissar, and Qiu Wei served as the deputy commander.

After this round of adjustments, the structure of the Central South Bureau and the Central South Military Region has changed dramatically. Marshal Lin, in poor health and, of course, quite cleverly, withdrew from the Central South Bureau. Marshal Luo never even took up his post at the Central South Bureau. Now, with the departure of Marshal Lin, the Central South Bureau, the South China Branch Bureau, and the Southeast Branch Bureau have become a three-way balance of power.

After Marshal Lin, Marshal Liu also chose to leave the Southwest Military Region.

Marshal Liu was to establish the Chinese People's Liberation Army Military Academy. The central government was well aware of the military's problems. Although the PLA fought large-scale battles involving hundreds of thousands, even millions of troops during the Liberation War, many PLA commanders still struggled with modern warfare. Now the central government had begun collaborating with the Soviet Union to build a modern military. Therefore, the central government hoped to establish a high-level military academy to familiarize senior PLA officers with modern weaponry and modern warfare, preparing them to become true generals in modern warfare.

After Liu Shuai heard the news, he immediately applied to the central government, hoping to run the school himself.

The Central Committee approved Liu Shuai's application.

After Liu's transfer, the Central Committee appointed He Laozong as the commander of the Southwest Military Region. He Laozong entered Sichuan with the 4th Corps of the First Field Army. The 4th Corps was the predecessor of the 4th Corps of the North China Field Army, which was formed by General Xu in southern Shanxi using local troops.

This force originated from the Shanxi-Hebei-Shandong-Henan region.

The Fourth Corps' entry into Sichuan was equivalent to the re-integration of this unit into Liu Deng's army.

Then there were adjustments in the local central bureaus.

The central government called for strengthening the role of local Party committees, repeatedly requiring that major matters be resolved through meetings of the Standing Committee or Party committee. Amidst this large-scale cadre reshuffle, the central government prepared to establish a Central Planning Commission within the Executive Yuan of the People's Republic of China to facilitate future industrial development, while also implementing a new round of adjustments to the Ministry of Industry within the Finance and Economics Committee.

Chapter 782 Preparing for a Planned Economy

How should a socialist China be built? The CCP, from top to bottom, doesn't understand. For over two decades, the CCP, with the exception of the workers', peasants', and students' movements during the Great Revolution, has been engaged in war. War is the CCP's primary focus; everything revolves around it.

As for how to build a new China and how to develop industrialization, everyone, starting from the central government, was completely in the dark.

In particular, they had no idea how a socialist country should be governed and developed. This was because the establishment of a socialist China was unprecedented in China's thousands of years of history. Therefore, the central government could only learn from the Soviet Union. After all, the Soviet Union was the only successful socialist country in the world, and the only one to rapidly develop from an agricultural nation into an industrial powerhouse.

The Soviet Union is the beacon of hope for all socialist countries.

How did the Soviet Union succeed? Many people are studying this.

China is no exception. The Soviet Union's success was due to various internal and external factors, but what everyone sees is that its planned economy was a resounding success. As for the problems with this planned economy, given China's current situation, it's difficult to judge.

The Soviet Union's industrial achievements after its founding were well-known, making it the most successful socialist construction movement in the world. Therefore, the choice for New China was simple: to learn from the Soviet Union's construction experience.

But how to implement a planned economy? China also had no experience and was completely in the dark.

So they could only turn to the Soviet big brother for help.

During the Sino-Soviet negotiations, the Soviet Union not only supported China's industrial and national defense construction, but also provided support to a large number of cadres. This was because the CCP cadres had never worked in a planned economy and did not know how to operate one.

So the Soviet Union sent cadres to serve as advisors to the Chinese government on its planned economy.

To teach Chinese cadres how to implement a planned economy, the Central Secretariat and the Central People's Government discussed and decided to establish a department in China to be responsible for formulating a planned economy.

This is the Planning Commission, abbreviated as PPC.