Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Next is the military parade.

The sound of the founding ceremony was broadcast throughout the country and the world.

New China was officially established.

This is a big deal.

However small China may be, it is still a populous nation with 400 million people. For such a large nation to become a CCP state is a major event in the world. China's choice directly impacts the situation in the Far East. The Central Committee hosted a banquet that evening to celebrate the success of the founding ceremony, while also awaiting news from the Soviet Union and other countries.

The new China was established, but it also needed recognition from countries around the world.

The central government did not expect Europe and the United States to recognize New China in a short period of time. The central government's main target was the socialist countries headed by the Soviet Union.

The Soviet Union did not break its promise.

On the morning of May 5, it announced its recognition of New China and its willingness to establish diplomatic relations with it.

This made the central leadership very happy.

Because as long as the Soviet Union takes the lead, the rest of the socialist countries will follow. This way, China will be able to have diplomatic relations with more than ten countries. Don't underestimate these ten countries.

Because there are only about seventy countries in the world.

Besides socialist countries, there are also many newly independent countries, which will also be important targets of New China's diplomacy.

While the central government was celebrating the birth of New China, a sharp confrontation broke out at the enlarged meeting of the South China Branch held in Guangdong.

The relationship between the two.

Xiao Guichang, who served as the secretary general of the Guangzhou Military Commission, said: "Many of our local cadres are not mentally prepared for liberation and are not ready to accept the leadership of the central government. They are unwilling to cooperate with the cadres who came south. The previous chaos in Guangzhou was closely related to this.

"Correct."

Lai Chuanzhu, Deputy Political Commissar of the 16th Corps and Deputy Political Commissar of the Guangzhou Military Region, also spoke out, "This problem is currently very serious. Some of our cadres have poor work styles and strong guerrilla tendencies. This manifests itself in their lax work style and lack of respect for discipline. They don't work hard, but instead consider themselves heroes and only want things. They devote a lot of energy to car and housing issues. This is the reason why work in Guangdong is currently stalled."

"I think this criticism is totally unfounded."

Huang Songjian, Deputy Director of the Organization Department of the South China Branch, countered, "Before the army marched south, the South China guerrillas already numbered approximately 1350 men and women. They liberated an area with a population of million, recruited over party members, and established democratic governments in one-third of the counties. Although some cadres still retained some guerrilla tendencies because they were denied the opportunity to complete the regularization of the army, this did not affect their preparations for liberation and their hard work. The South China guerrillas also made their own contributions to the liberation of South China. The current problem of some people wanting cars and houses is not just affecting cadres in South China, but also the troops and cadres who marched south. Some troops are reselling food and gasoline. Isn't this a problem?"

As soon as Huang Songjian finished speaking, Xiao Xiangrong, director of the Political Department of the Guangzhou Military Region next to him, slammed the table.

He said, "The reason why the work in South China is progressing slowly is because some leaders are covering up problems and avoiding conflicts."

Marshal Ye sat in the middle and watched the two sides going back and forth, feeling quite embarrassed.

But he never spoke.

Because it is not yet time for him to speak.

Or rather, his position was awkward.

He was both a cadre sent by the Central Committee and a local cadre in Guangdong. Many of the cadres currently serving in the South China Branch were under the leadership of the Yangtze River Bureau (Southern Bureau) during the War of Resistance Against Japan. Their leader at the time was Marshal Ye.

At present, the contradiction between cadres who came from the south and local cadres has reached a peak.

In particular, Fang Fang, the head of the local cadres in Guangdong, and Huang Songjian, deputy director of the Organization Department of the South China Branch, appointed local cadres as county party secretaries and cadres from the south as county governors when arranging cadres.

This made the conflict even more intense.

The cadres and leaders of the troops heading south began to make trouble one by one.

Marshal Ye knew, however, that the true leaders of the cadres heading south had yet to speak. Deng Guo, the Second Secretary of the South China Branch, remained silent, and Luo Qirong, the Third Secretary, had a sullen expression. Of course, this also included Chen Kaikun, Commander of the 19th Corps, and Wang Daobang, the Political Commissar.

Marshal Ye became even more worried when they didn't speak now.

Especially Luo Qirong.

Although Deng Guo currently holds a high position within the Party and the military, his main focus is on liberating Hainan. If it weren't for the enlarged meeting of the South China Branch, Deng Guo would not have returned.

As for the 19th Corps, although it also entered Guangdong, except for the 70th Army which was changed into the Public Security Force of the South China Branch and the 70th Army Headquarters which was changed into the Public Security Command of the South China Branch, the other 68th and 69th Armies followed Deng Hua to prepare for the liberation of Hainan.

Therefore, in the South China Branch and Guangdong, Luo Qirong's position is second only to Marshal Ye, and he is the de facto second-in-command.

Besides, Luo Qirong himself has a strong personality.

Even Chairman Mao told Luo Qirong, "When water is too clear, there are no fish; when a man is too strict, there are no followers." He urged Luo Qirong to read more of the "Book of Han: Biography of Ban Chao" when he had time. Luo Qirong remained silent for a while, which actually worried Marshal Ye.

As expected, Luo Qirong, whose face had always been grim, spoke up: "The biggest problem for some of our leading cadres at present is that they confuse contradictions, have weak class concepts, and cannot distinguish between friends and enemies. When faced with problems, they dare not mobilize the masses. They are afraid of capitalists in front and landlords behind, and have forgotten that we are the Communist Party of China.

Chapter 764: Trouble at the South China Branch

As soon as Luo Qirong opened his mouth, the direction of the meeting changed completely because Luo Qirong's position in the South China Branch was different.

And Luo Qirong was prepared.

He also has a lot of dissatisfaction these days.

Many cadres who had gone south complained to him. However, Luo Qirong hadn't made much of a splash recently, primarily because he lacked a strong base within the South China Bureau. He was the deputy political commissar of the Fifth Field Army, and even there, his base wasn't strong enough. Seriously speaking, Deng Guocai currently held the highest position among the troops and cadres who had gone south.

Even many cadres of the 19th Corps, although Yang Quanwu and Deng Guo had a bad relationship, were actually more familiar with Deng Guo and had more historical connections with him.

But Deng Guo's energy was focused on the battle to liberate Hainan.

So Luo Qirong kept waiting.

Finally, Luo Qirong suggested that the Central South Bureau change the 19th Army of the 70th Corps into the public security force of the South China Branch. Although the 70th Army and Luo Qirong had little historical connection, he was, after all, the deputy secretary of the Central Bureau of the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei Region, a member of the Standing Committee of the Front Committee of the Pingjin Campaign, and the deputy political commissar of the Fifth Field Army.

In the South China Branch, the 70th Army is a natural ally compared to other forces.

The 70th Army was transformed into the public security force of the South China Branch, allowing Luo Qirong to control a powerful armed force in the South China Branch. Now that the cadres heading south needed someone to take the lead, Luo Qirong took action.

Luo Qirong said, "Guangdong currently faces three major problems. First, some local cadres exhibit a serious form of factionalism and provincialism. They are not ideologically prepared for liberation, and therefore are passive in the development of the new regime and reject outside cadres. They are unwilling to help outside cadres integrate into Guangdong, using language and living habits as an excuse to prevent them from interacting with the people."

This criticism is already serious.

Factionalism and localism were typical criticisms during the Rectification Movement.

Fang Fang could only defend himself, saying, "Comrade Luo Qirong, many cadres who went south don't understand the local language, which hinders communication with the people. This is an objective problem. We need our cadres to learn the local language as quickly as possible, rather than criticizing local cadres."

"Comrade Fang Fang, this is the problem," Lai Chuanzhu said. "At times like this, local cadres need to serve as bridges, integrating the cadres from the south with the people, rather than using this or that excuse to exclude cadres from outside.

The smell of gunpowder is very strong.

Luo Qirong spoke and the cadres who went south were all very happy.

Although most of the cadres currently in Guangdong who had moved south were from the Northeast, many of them had previously come from the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei region. Luo Qirong didn't have much connection with them, but after all, they were all cadres who had moved south.

Besides, Luo Qirong has a very high status.

Deputy Political Commissar of the Fifth Field Army, member of the General Front Committee of the Crossing the Yangtze River Campaign, and Third Secretary of the South China Bureau.

His speech now is an encouragement to the cadres going south.

Luo Qirong continued, "Secondly, some of our cadres, driven by a desire for quick success and instant gratification, resort to any means necessary to achieve their goals, recklessly employing counter-revolutionaries, spies, gangsters, and scoundrels. So many remnants of the old society have infiltrated our public security forces. And some of our leaders are using these people to deal with the Guangzhou underworld, smugly believing that Guangzhou's public security has improved."

Luo Qirong's words made Marshal Ye's face turn ugly in an instant.

Because although Luo Qirong did not mention Marshal Ye's name, the content of his criticism was directly directed at Marshal Ye.

Guangzhou was in chaos when it was first liberated. Of course, all the major cities liberated by the People's Liberation Army were also in chaos at first, because these cities were infested with large numbers of counter-revolutionary armed forces, spies, gangs, secret societies, hooligans, and so on.

After Marshal Ye went south, Chen Bo, who was familiar with the activities of enemy spies, paired him with Chen Kun, a veteran in the intelligence system.

Then they chose to convert a large number of public security forces into plainclothes officers, and through covert investigation, they cracked down on some spy agencies. Furthermore, for intelligence, they sent information to former Kuomintang spies, as well as local gangs and hooligans. They asked them to provide intelligence, and thus established a large number of local gangs and even some defected spies in the plainclothes team. As the saying goes, cats have their own ways, and these people are familiar with Guangzhou, so they did make a lot of contributions in a short period of time.

But these people are just a bunch of social scum.

After being assigned to the police force, various problems arose, which made many officers and soldiers who had transferred from the military to the police system very uncomfortable.

This is what Luo Qirong was talking about.

"Secretary Luo, you've also worked in security. You should understand that catching spies isn't easy. We're recruiting some people so we can do a better job."

Chen Bo disagreed with Luo Qirong.

Chen Bo, hailed by Chairman Mao as the "Sherlock Holmes of Yan'an," was a distinguished figure in the anti-espionage front. He was highly skilled in solving cases and had cracked many major cases within the Central Committee.

It was Marshal Ye who personally brought him to Guangdong.

Luo Qirong said expressionlessly, "I hope comrades will understand that we are not the reactionary Kuomintang regime of the old society. For them, as long as those gangs, secret societies, and ruffians do not affect their rule, then they will recognize their existence, even cooperate with them, and protect their underground world and underworld. But now it is New China, and we are the regime of New China. What we must do is to completely destroy these reactionary things of the old society, not compromise with them. There are so many gangs and ruffians mixed in our public security team. How do you want the people to see us? If we retain so many spies, gangs, and ruffians in order to solve cases, then what is the difference between us and the reactionary Kuomintang regime. Some of our comrades have forgotten this point and only think about solving cases. This is a typical case of putting the cart before the horse.

"Secretary Luo is right.

Xiao Xiangrong immediately supported the idea, saying, "I think this problem arises because many of our former underground comrades have inextricable ties to these forces. They used to work closely with them, arguably for the sake of the revolution. But now that the revolution has triumphed and New China has been established, they still maintain relationships with these people. This makes me doubt their loyalty to the revolution and wonder if they've been corrupted by the enemy."

Xiao Xiangrong's words were quite serious.

Many of the cadres present who came from the South China Branch in the early years had their faces changed.

Because this directly questions their firm belief, which is what the CCP values ​​most.

Lai Chuanzhu said: "I heard that the party appeared in the white areas of North China and that a sudden expansion of party members occurred before liberation. Later, the North China Bureau conducted a historical review of the entire North China White Area Party. I think it is very necessary for our South China Branch to understand the situation in this regard.

Marshal Ye couldn't help wiping his sweat.

Although he knew that there were serious conflicts between the cadres who came from the south and the local cadres.

But I didn't expect it to come to this.

The person who is currently in the most awkward situation is Fang Fang, because the cadres who are currently going south are all pointing their fingers at Fang Fang.

Luo Qirong continued, "Third, it arises from the way many of our cadres treat land reform. Land reform in Guangdong is currently plagued by numerous problems. Some cadres confuse the nature of our Party and are afraid to mobilize our vast number of poor and hired peasants during land reform. Furthermore, they only know how to issue orders to protect the interests of overseas Chinese, yet they show no concern for the poor and hired peasants we should rely on the most. Because the higher-ups are constantly emphasizing the need to protect this and that, the land reform cadres below are afraid to let go. Furthermore, the cadres currently participating in land reform are all local cadres. They are either relatives or fellow townspeople of the local major families, and simply don't dare to let go in carrying out land reform. This is a complete forgetting of class struggle and a weak sense of class consciousness."

"Lao Luo, in Guangdong, overseas Chinese are a special group. They should be subject to special policies."

Marshal Ye couldn't help but speak.

At this meeting, only Marshal Ye could suppress Luo Qirong.

Not to mention Luo Qirong, even the Central South Bureau was wary of Marshal Ye in many aspects. Since the establishment of the Central South Bureau and the South China Branch, the Central South Bureau and the South China Branch have had differences in many aspects.

However, the Central South Bureau never issued any excessive orders to the South China Branch.

It’s because of Marshal Ye.

As Marshal Ye spoke, Luo Qirong's tone softened considerably. He didn't back down, saying, "Secretary Ye, I agree with what you said. Many of the overseas Chinese families currently in Guangdong do have special circumstances. But how special are they? We should have a plan for how to carry out our land reform, a clear and concise plan. It's not like the higher-ups just issue orders to take care of the overseas Chinese families in this way or that way. How can the lower-level land reform cadres carry out the land reform then?" Luo Qirong was giving Marshal Ye face.

What Luo Qirong originally wanted to say was that the reason for this vague policy was...

It’s because local cadres are too localistic.

This wasn't about caring for overseas Chinese or their families. It was about caring for the wealthy businessmen and landlords in Guangdong. However, Marshal Ye held a high position within the CCP, and while Luo Qirong wasn't afraid, she still had to give him enough respect in public.

Luo Qirong took the lead.

Soon, the cadres who went south began to criticize the local cadres again one after another.

Judging from the current situation, the number of high-ranking cadres who moved south is greater and their status is higher. At the enlarged meeting of the South China Branch, the cadres who moved south had the upper hand. Marshal Ye was also helpless when he saw this situation.