Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Therefore, whenever faced with an offensive mission, the first thing that comes to mind is always the army. Furthermore, the PLA's current troop numbers are indeed excessive. During the process of liberating the country, the five major field armies intentionally or unintentionally increased their strength. Just look at how many Nationalist troops the Second Field Army reorganized during its march into the southwest. Before the Yangtze River Crossing Campaign, the Second Field Army had barely exceeded 400,000 men. But after the march into the southwest, the force rapidly expanded to over a million.

Among the five major field armies, except for the First Field Army, the other four field armies have a strength of over one million.

Moreover, each military region has its own troops under its leadership.

The total number of PLA troops nationwide, including those under the command of military regions, now exceeds 600 million. The current situation of the PLA is that the army is too large, while the navy, air force, and some special forces are too small.

So the army will definitely be downsized next.

Since we have to cut back, the best way is to use these troops elsewhere.

"Deputy Director Wei, I agree. Given the current weak foundation of my country's oil industry, we need the support of this model from the military." Xu Jinqiang nodded.

Oil drilling is not an easy task.

Currently, there are only about 10,000 oil industry workers nationwide. Even if all of them were gathered together, there wouldn't be enough to carry out oil drilling. Especially since China is currently known as an oil-poor country, finding oil would require large-scale exploration and drilling.

Xu Jinqiang suggested again, "Deputy Director Wei, in addition to withdrawing troops to reorganize them into oil engineering units, I believe that given the current weakness of our oil industry, we should concentrate our forces." "Let me tell you."

Currently, my country's largest oil industry is concentrated in the Yumen Oilfield. The Yumen Oilfield provides the majority of my country's oil. Therefore, my suggestion is to concentrate our limited oil industry talent in the Yumen Oilfield and establish a national oil industry base there. With the Yumen Oilfield as the center, we could build oil research institutes, oil testing grounds, and schools for oil talent training. Using this model, we could rapidly cultivate a group of qualified oil professionals. Wei Hongjun's eyes lit up.

Xu Jinqiang's suggestion was really good, and it made Wei Hongjun very satisfied.

Therefore, Wei Hongjun said, "If we establish our country's oil industry base in the Yumen Oilfield, we can produce products, talents, experience, and technology here, and cultivate a steady stream of talents and technologies for our country's oil industry. What a great idea!"

China's oil industry is currently in such poor condition that it is useless to disperse it.

However, with the Yumen Oilfield as the core, schools, research institutes, and supporting oil equipment factories were established, which would be a truly small-scale oil base.

"That's a good idea. Comrade Jinqiang, when you return, please write a report on this matter immediately." "Yes."

Xu Jinqiang was very happy that Wei Hongjun accepted his opinion.

Although it was only their first meeting to discuss work, Xu Jinqiang had a good impression of Wei Hongjun. The two were of the same age, both 33. But Wei Hongjun didn't have the domineering air of a young celebrity. On the contrary, he was very willing to listen to the opinions of other cadres.

"Comrade Liu Lanbo, what do you think of the State Electricity Administration?"

"Deputy Director Wei, I've carefully studied the current state of our power industry. Our national power generation capacity is currently approximately 57 billion kilowatt-hours, which appears to be significantly higher than during the Republican era. However, our power generation capacity is still severely insufficient for large-scale industrial development. Based on our current energy structure, I believe we should continue to vigorously develop thermal power, and on this basis, conduct hydropower exploration and prepare for future hydropower development. As for power industry equipment, we should prioritize both imports and self-development. We should establish power industry equipment factories in areas with a strong industrial foundation as soon as possible."

Liu Lanbo was actually not prepared for his promotion by the central government, so he had been thinking about the situation in the power industry these days.

"What about it?"

"Deputy Director Wei, currently, Northeast China, East China, and North China are the strongest in terms of industrial base in my country. Therefore, my suggestion is to select a city in Northeast China, North China, or East China to establish a power equipment manufacturing plant."

"Ah."

Wei Hongjun nodded.

He said, "We can investigate and select a suitable city." "Yes."

Liu Lanbo continued, "Comrade Xu Jinqiang's idea of ​​establishing the Yumen Oil Base is excellent. Our power industry could also learn from this. The Central Committee is already collaborating with the Soviet Union on the restoration and expansion of the Fengman Hydropower Station. This will increase the installed capacity from 13 kilowatts to 1554 million kilowatts, a fourfold increase. I believe such a major project is a truly exceptional opportunity for us. Our power industry could also establish research institutes and schools at the Fengman Hydropower Station, leveraging this opportunity to cultivate our own power technology talent, particularly in the hydropower sector."

"Using some key projects to train technical talents is one way." Wei Hongjun supported Liu Lanbo's idea.

China is so short of talent now.

There's a shortage of engineering leadership talent, as many cadres have no engineering experience. There's also a shortage of technical talent, as China's technological foundation is too weak. And a large-scale hydropower station renovation and expansion project like the Fengman Hydropower Station is essentially impossible for China to complete on its own. Fortunately, Comrade Wu Hao visited the Soviet Union last year, and the talks between the two sides were very fruitful.

China bowed its head and acknowledged that the Soviet Union was the big brother.

China also used the Qingdao conflict to demonstrate to the Soviet Union that it was not afraid of conflict with imperialist powers. While weak, China could serve as a barrier to the Soviet Union in the Far East. This led to the conclusion of numerous agreements.

The Soviet Union sent a technical team to help repair and expand the Fengman Hydropower Station. This was a major project.

For many students and workers, this is a rare opportunity to learn. We should take advantage of this opportunity and send more people to learn. This is only the first meeting.

Therefore, whether it was about the power industry or the oil industry, these were only preliminary ideas. Wei Hongjun finally turned to Xu Daben. Xu Daben was a cadre from North China and had worked under Wei Hongjun. They were familiar with each other.

But precisely because they were familiar with each other, Wei Hongjun put him last. Because of the relationship between Wei Hongjun and Xu Daben, Xu Daben would not think too much about it.

Currently, officials promoted from local central government bureaus are both surprised and delighted upon arriving at the central government. They're happy to be able to pursue their ambitions, but they're also worried that this is a promotion in name only, a demotion in reality. This was the case with Rao Shushi in history.

Ever since his transfer from the East China Bureau to the Central Committee, he'd been apprehensive. He even sought out the Chairman, speculating on his attitude toward him. Initially baffled, the Chairman eventually figured it out. Rao Shushi was worried that the Central Committee didn't trust him, and that the Chairman didn't trust him. He worried that the Central Committee had asked him to come to the Central Committee in order to remove him from his old position and weaken his power. Consequently, after his transfer to the Central Committee, Rao Shushi was plagued by anxiety and trepidation.

This is the case for other local central bureau cadres.

They were all powerful princes in their local areas, and they were all trembling with fear after entering Beijing.

Wei Hongjun had considered this point, so he placed Xu Daben, a North China cadre he was familiar with, last. "What are your plans for the next step at the Coal Administration?"

Secretary Wei, we're preparing to conduct a comprehensive and thorough survey of the national coal industry. Our Coal Administration needs to have the most accurate national coal data." "Compared to Liu Lanbo and Xu Jinqiang, Xu Daben was much more relaxed.

Because he has always been in charge of the coal industry in North China.

Furthermore, the Northeast and North China Bureaus had been collaborating for nearly ten months. Their largest collaboration was in the coal sector. Currently, China's coal industry was primarily concentrated in Northeast and North China. Therefore, Xu Daben was very familiar with the Chinese coal industry. He even had a clear understanding of his future as Vice Minister of the Ministry of Fuel Industry, overseeing the national coal industry.

So he had a complete idea about the development of the coal industry.

"Go on."

As soon as possible, classify all coal mines nationwide. Confiscate the Kuomintang's state-owned coal mines and those controlled by bureaucratic capital. Force the imperialist coal mines, as we did with the Kailuan Coal Mine. Once these coal mines are reclaimed, renovate the old mines as quickly as possible. "The coal mines owned by merchants from the foreign powers must be handled with reasonable care and discretion. Different treatments should be applied based on the specific circumstances. Absolutely no outright confiscation is permitted, as this involves the future diplomatic work of New China. Do you understand?"

"Yes."

Xu Daben nodded.

Imperialism has been in China for many years.

Those foreign powers came to China to grab territory, and many coal mines were in their hands. However, while the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China confirmed the need to rely closely on the Soviet Union in foreign affairs, it did not call for a break with imperialism. The Foreign Trade Bureau, led by Zhou Bin, still does business with British and American merchants. In the past two years alone, tens of thousands of machine tools of various types have been imported from Japan.

Therefore, we should be cautious when it comes to assets controlled by imperialist businessmen.

If you can avoid turning against each other, it’s better not to do so.

Then there are the small coal mines run by local merchants. These are plentiful across the country. But we have experience dealing with them. Shanxi also had many small mines, and we managed to acquire them through shareholding systems. "I know that."

Xu Daben had personally reported this work to Wei Hongjun. New China would not allow the existence of such privately controlled small coal mines.

Wei Hongjun said, "We need to thoroughly investigate these small coal mines. If they are just small businesses run by legitimate businessmen, then we must strictly follow the shareholding system to give them shares. Of course, they cannot refuse us to invest money to transform these small coal mines." "Yes."

"I recently read some information and found that many coal mines that once mined coal were forced to close due to war and other reasons." "Yes."

Xu Daben said, "The Anyuan Coal Mine was famous, but during the Anti-Japanese War, the Pingxiang Coal Mine was forced to close due to the war. As a result, it has not been reopened to this day. There are many similar coal mines across the country, all forced to close for various reasons." "We will count these coal mines and then select a group of elite soldiers to resume mining in these old mines as soon as possible."

"Yes."

After speaking with the three of them separately, Wei Hongjun said, "Comrades, the Second Session of the Seventh Central Committee clearly stated that my country must transition from an agricultural nation to an industrial one. However, the foundation of industrial development lies in our Ministry of Fuel Industry. Coal, electricity, and oil are the lifeblood of industrial development. Therefore, the work of our Ministry of Fuel Industry directly determines whether my country can develop its industry."

"Deputy Director Wei, we all know."

Several people nodded.

Within the Finance and Economics Committee, the Ministry of Fuel Industry was not as powerful as the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Heavy Industry, but it was the foundation of industry.

"So our Fuel Industry Department must operate as quickly as possible. Since the personnel are not yet fully in place, you will have to pay more attention."

"Yes."

"After you return, formulate the next work plans for your respective departments based on the content of today's meeting."

Chapter 762 Situation of Ministries and Commissions

The State Council had just been established. Although the various ministries and commissions were still in their infancy, everyone was eager to do everything quickly.

Although the founding ceremony had not yet taken place, the First CPPCC Session had already elected the Central People's Government, effectively marking the founding of the People's Republic of China. The symbol of the founding of the People's Republic of China was not the founding ceremony, but the election of the Central People's Government. However, since the founding ceremony had not yet taken place, a legitimate step was missing. As the founding ceremony approached, everyone was filled with excitement. However, despite the excitement, no one neglected their work.

Wei Hongjun now really can't tell the difference between day and night.

Although Wei Hongjun had delegated the specific tasks of the founding ceremony to Zhao Zhensheng and Han Wei, he was still the overall commander. He still had to take time to review the preparations. The founding ceremony couldn't afford any problems. Besides the founding ceremony, the State Council was also very busy.

Wei Hongjun oversaw seven ministries and commissions. Besides the Ministry of Fuel Industry, which he directly oversaw, the other ministries also reported directly to him. The current State Council lacked a formal rank, but it was nonetheless the institution responsible for national government affairs. It was the future State Council.

Therefore, these ministries have great power.

Of course, they primarily discussed with Wei Hongjun the staffing and personnel arrangements of various ministries and commissions. Both the Central People's Government and the State Council had only recently been established. They only had a rough outline of the staffing arrangements for the various ministries and commissions below them; the specific schedules and personnel needed to be communicated and reported by the leaders of each ministry and commission. Only after approval from Wei Hongjun and the State Council could the arrangements take effect.

Many of these ministers are currently facing a headache. While the central government ministries are relatively small, their foundation is still the ministries of the North China People's Government. Many of the ministers appointed by the central government are appointed without any prior experience. They simply take office after receiving orders without any prior preparation.

Zeng Shan, the Minister of the Textile Industry, was a Party member during the Great Revolution, having participated in the Nanchang Uprising and the Guangzhou Uprising. He held a long-standing position. During the Central Soviet Area period, he served as a member of the Central Bureau of the Soviet Area. He was also a member of the Central Committee of the Seventh National Congress. Before leaving the Central Committee, he was a member of the East China Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, Director of the East China Finance and Economics Office, Vice Chairman of the East China Military and Political Committee and Director of the Finance and Economics Committee, and concurrently Deputy Mayor of Shanghai and Director of the Finance and Economics Committee.

As a high-ranking official in the early years of the Central Soviet Area and the New Fourth Army, he also held leadership positions in the East China Bureau during the Liberation War. Therefore, he held a high position and prestige within the East China Bureau, a true fourth-level administrative cadre. However, after being transferred to the central government and appointed Minister of the Ministry of Textile Industry, he found himself in a completely unfamiliar environment.

None of the staff members, from top to bottom, were cadres that Zeng Shan was familiar with.

Besides Zeng Shan, there were three deputy ministers of the Ministry of Textile Industry. One was Qian Guangyou, whose sister was Zhou Bin's ex-wife. She had previously served as director of the South China Branch of the Ministry of Foreign Trade, responsible for the Ministry's business in Guangdong, Hong Kong, and Macau. Another was Zhang Qinqiu, a female general from the Fourth Front Army and the ex-wife of its political commissar, Chen Changhao. The final deputy minister was Chen Weiji, an expert in the textile industry.

These people are cadres transferred from other places.

After discussion, they concluded that the current center of China's textile industry was in East China. Officials and experts familiar with the textile industry were also located there. Therefore, they considered transferring a group of officials from East China to strengthen the Ministry of Textile Industry. However, if they wanted to transfer a large number of officials from the local areas, especially to strengthen central government departments, they would definitely need the approval of Wei Hongjun, the deputy director in charge. Furthermore, they also had to consider the officials currently working in the Ministry of Textile Industry in North China, which would require Wei Hongjun's help in coordination.

Of course, some ministers also came to Wei Hongjun to complain and complain.

After arriving at the central government ministries, they discovered that the majority of officials, from vice ministers on down, were from North China. These were veteran comrades and colleagues who had spent years in the revolution, and they knew each other intimately. Now, in a new ministry, they tended to stick together. These officials, consciously or unconsciously, formed alliances, trusting vice ministers from North China more than they cared about the ministers from outside.

Zeng Shan is pretty good.

Zeng Shan was a veteran Party member and Red Army veteran, and Jun was a member of the Central Committee at the Seventh National Congress, with even greater seniority than Marshal Nie. Even if such a Party leader had been transferred from outside, few would dare to challenge him. Of course, the key point was that the textile industry had little foundation in North China. Consequently, the three deputy ministers of the Ministry of Textile Industry were all transferred from outside; none were native North China cadres.

But the ministers of some ministries are not only transferred from outside, but also come from democratic parties.

This is a tricky situation.

For example, Minister of Agriculture Li Shucheng, a 16-year-old scholar in the late Qing Dynasty, later joined the Tongmenghui and participated in virtually every historical event from the Xinhai Revolution onward. During Sun Yat-sen's Protection of Law Movement, Li Shucheng served as commander-in-chief. It was precisely because of his fame that he was appointed Minister of Agriculture.

But rural work is North China's strength.

Wei Hongjun himself was nationally renowned for his work in agriculture. The group of North China agricultural cadres who grew up with him are now renowned in China's agricultural sector. Consequently, the Ministry of Agriculture is staffed by North China cadres. Li Shaocheng, Deputy Minister of Agriculture, was Wei Hongjun's right-hand man during the land reform in Jin-Cha-Ji, and later served as Minister of Agriculture in North China. In the agricultural sector, Li Shaocheng is not only renowned but also highly capable.

In the Ministry of Agriculture, Li Shaocheng almost gets everyone's support.

This made Minister Li Shucheng very embarrassed.

Wei Hongjun even urged Li Shaocheng to maintain a low profile at the Ministry of Agriculture and to respect Li Shucheng in both work and personal life. While he should uphold the principles of national land management, he must respect Li Shucheng in other areas.

Anyway, Li Shucheng is now the Minister of Agriculture, but that is temporary.

After the First National People's Congress is held, these positions will be adjusted. Given Li Shaocheng's past achievements and his current position, as long as he does his job well, he will be the future Minister of Agriculture. At this time, we must not let any rumors spread that Li Shaocheng is engaging in factionalism and isolating Li Shucheng.

This will greatly reduce the central leadership's impression of him.

It's fair to say that these issues are quite common in the current central government ministries and commissions, as they're newly established. Wei Hongjun is practically busy from morning till night, with meetings constantly on the go. However, he doesn't intervene much in personnel matters within these ministries and commissions. This is a process of adjustment.

Wei Hongjun's intervention would only make things worse.

Moreover, given Wei Hongjun's position, the seven ministries and commissions under his charge would not be overly involved in their establishment and personnel matters, even if Wei Hongjun did not intervene. No one would take away what should be given to the North China cadres.

Almost all departments approached Wei Hongjun about internal staffing and personnel issues. Only Liang Xi, the head of the Forestry and Reclamation Department, discussed work directly with Wei Hongjun during their first meeting, not just about staffing and personnel. This was an exception.