Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Just like Duan Chengwei, the current deputy director of the Propaganda Department of the North China Bureau, and Li Shaocheng, the Minister of Agriculture of the North China People's Government, are both cadres who came to the Eighth Column.

They carefully introduced to Wei Hongjun the current situation of military dependents' statistics.

The progress is still good.

After reporting on the military dependents' statistics, Liang Dayong said, "Secretary Wei, there's something that's difficult to handle."

"whats the matter?"

"Gao Zhiyuan's family found us."

Chapter 758 The Heavy Burden of History 2

"Gao Zhiyuan's family members?"

Wei Hongjun's expression immediately turned serious.

The Gao Zhiyuan incident happened eight or nine years ago. Lan Gongwu and Lei Renmin were not in Jin-Cha-Ji at the time, so they were not familiar with Gao Zhiyuan's story. Although the incident was serious and directly affected the history of the Hebei-Rehe-Liaoning advance, after all, communication conditions across the country were poor at the time.

The other bases couldn't possibly know about the Ji-Re-Liao advance. They might have heard about Gao Zhiyuan, but that was all. But Liang Dayong knew.

At that time, Liang Dayong was already the organization committee member of the Cha'nan Special Committee.

The Jin-Cha-Ji region was largely aware of the Ji-Re-Liaoning Advancing Army's events. Deng Guo had brought half of its main forces from Jin-Cha-Ji, and Jin-Cha-Ji also had five main regiments of Jidong troops. Furthermore, that incident directly led to Deng Guo and Song Shilun leaving the Ji-Re-Liaoning Advancing Army. To retain Deng Guo in Jin-Cha-Ji, Marshal Nie established the Fifth Division within the region and appointed Deng Guo as its commander.

Gao Zhiyuan's case directly involved the high-ranking cadres of the Ji-Re-Liao advance army.

That's why Liang Dayong was in a dilemma.

"What do they mean?"

Gao Zhihua's family knew that our North China Civil Affairs Department was working on matters related to military families. They hoped our department would provide an answer to Gao Zhiyuan's case. Furthermore, after the Gao Zhiyuan incident, many of those who had followed him to the Pingxi base chose to leave the Hebei-Rehe-Liaoning Advance Army. However, many of them continued to join the civilian anti-Japanese forces, while some returned to eastern Hebei and rejoined our Eighth Route Army. Now, how to determine the fate of these individuals has become a difficult matter. How can we determine their history?

Liang Dayong spoke.

Wei Hongjun frowned.

Gao Zhiyuan's case is very complicated.

Although many high-ranking cadres of the Jireliao advance were implicated due to the final failure of the Jireliao advance, even if they were implicated and their status in the party and the army was affected, they are still a large number of high-ranking cadres in the party and the army.

Xiao Zijing, the former head of the Hebei-Rehe-Liaoning Advance Army, currently works in the Central Military Commission. Ma Xingrong, the former secretary of the Hebei-Rehe-Liaoning District Party Committee and member of the Military and Political Committee of the Hebei-Rehe-Liaoning Advance Army, works in the Party School of the North China Bureau. Wu Jinnan, the former director of the Political Department of the Hebei-Rehe-Liaoning Advance Army, first went to work in the 120th Division, then went to the Northeast, and now has gone south to Guangxi.

Besides them, there is also Li Fangqi, who is currently serving as the deputy commander of the Pingjin Garrison. They were all key cadres of the Jireliao Advance Army.

Furthermore, the decision to execute Gao Zhiyuan wasn't solely theirs. A whole host of lower-level officials were also implicated. After all, even Xiao Zijing and his men couldn't have easily executed a leading figure in the Jidong uprising, Gao Zhiyuan, without any evidence. After all, Gao Zhiyuan wasn't just any ordinary student who could be executed simply for suspecting him of being a spy. They had to find a crime, whether true or not.

At that time, Gao Zhiyuan's biggest crime was collusion with Wu Peifu.

We need to pull the troops over to Wu Peifu's side.

But how to prove the guilt? Fang Guo, the former head of the security department of the Hebei-Rehe-Liaoning Advance Army who was in charge of finding evidence at the time, is still in the security department. He was the first person to handle the Gao Zhiyuan case. He arrested countless college students from the Tianjin-Beijing area who came to the Hebei-Rehe-Liaoning Advance Army, as well as many people who had connections with the Beiyang warlords at the time. After the interrogation, how many people lost their lives? It is also a mess. However, after the Hebei-Rehe-Liaoning Advance Army shot Gao Zhiyuan, Fang Guo did not continue to stay in the Hebei-Rehe-Liaoning Advance Army. Instead, he quickly left the Hebei-Rehe-Liaoning Advance Army and came to Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei. Because of his rich experience in the security department, Marshal Nie arranged him to Yang Quanwu's Hebei-Central Military Region.

Later, after Hou Jingru's uprising, Fang Guo was the Minister of Security of the newly formed 23rd Corps.

Chen Fei, an underground Party cadre of the Jidong Anti-Japanese Allied Forces who had informed on Gao Zhiyuan, incurred public outrage because of Gao Zhiyuan's actions. Although Xiao Zijing used Chen Fei's informant information, he failed to promote Chen Fei himself. As a result, he failed to make it in the Ji-Re-Liaoning Advance Army and was despised by everyone. He eventually fled to the Northeast, and Wei Hongjun had no idea where he was now.

Anyway, a large number of cadres are involved.

Of course Wei Hongjun is not afraid of them.

Of the original Hebei-Rehe-Liaoning advance forces, the highest-ranking one currently is Deng Guo, having risen to the position of Deputy Secretary of the Central China Bureau and Second Secretary of the South China Branch. Then there's Song Shilun, currently Commander of the East China Field Army Corps and Commander of the Songhu Garrison. They all have close relationships with Gao Zhiyuan.

Moreover, this matter not only involves Deng Guo and Song History Theory.

Because Gao Zhiyuan held a high position and influence in Jidong, he enjoyed a high level of prestige throughout the Jidong military. The Jidong troops that initially retreated to the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei region numbered over 20,000 men, organized into six regiments. Of these, only one regiment was assigned to the Ji-Rehe-Liaoning Advance Army. The remaining five regiments were assigned to Yang Quanwu's First Division, two to the Eighth Column, and one initially to the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei Military Region and later to the Third Division.

Later, Jin-Cha-Ji's military performance became better and better, and its status became higher and higher.

The five main regiments reorganized from these Jidong troops were gradually integrated into the Jin-Cha-Ji Army. At the time, the entire Jin-Cha-Ji Army was relatively small, and these five main regiments comprised nearly a quarter of the entire force, making them a formidable force within the region. Over the years, many of these cadres have risen to high positions. Let's not talk about the other regiments, but rather those who remained with the Eighth Column.

Hong Man went to work for the Military Commission, Chu He was the director of the Political Department of the 15th Corps, and Feng Linqi was the director of the Political Department of the 20th Corps. Gao Weinong was currently the head of the Northeast Division of the Ministry of Foreign Trade, and Yang Shisan was currently the Vice Minister of the North China Ministry of Industry and Commerce and the president of the newly established China University of Technology.

There is also Ma Changgeng, who has just taken up the post of commander of the Infrastructure Engineering Corps. They all came from the original Jidong troops.

Currently, there are a large number of troops in the North China Military Region, including the Fifth Field Army from North China and regimental-level cadres from Jidong.

As for Xiao Zijing, Ma Xingrong, Wu Jinnan, and others, while still considered high-ranking Party cadres, their upward momentum has abruptly stalled. However, those cadres from eastern Hebei are currently on the upward trajectory. Even Li Fangqi, who escaped the impact of the Ji-Re-Liaoning offensive, is currently only deputy commander of the Pingjin Garrison. Bao Shen, formerly a regimental commander under him, has risen to the rank of Corps Commander. Conversely, Li Fangqi has fallen further and further down the ladder, becoming deputy commander under Bao Shen.

Because of this situation, it can be said that Wei Hongjun doesn't care about them at all. With his current position as a member of the Central Committee and Secretary of the North China Bureau, he doesn't worry about them at all. But Wei Hongjun still feels that this matter is difficult.

Because Wei Hongjun wasn't concerned with Gao Zhiyuan alone. Resolving his case was simple. As long as Wei Hongjun was willing, Deng Guo and Song Shilun provided evidence, and the officials involved were identified, the case could be completely reopened. But even if Gao Zhiyuan's case was resolved, what about other cases in CCP history? This case only involved Xiao Zijing and others, but many cases in CCP history directly implicated high-ranking central leaders.

Then how to deal with it.

Once Wei Hongjun has made a start here, how should the subsequent problems be dealt with?

So Wei Hongjun nodded and said, "What do you think at the Ministry of Civil Affairs?"

Lan Gongwu said from the side, "We've also heard from Vice Minister Zhang about this case. If there's a problem with this case, it shouldn't be handled by the Ministry of Civil Affairs. It should be handed over to the Ministry of Social Affairs or the Ministry of Public Security. Only when they reach a conclusion can we, the Ministry of Civil Affairs, respond accordingly."

Wei Hongjun nodded.

I took a look at Lan Gongwugao in my heart.

I originally thought Lan Gongwu was just a teacher, but I didn't expect him to have such a keen political sense. He immediately pushed the Ministry of Civil Affairs aside.

Wei Hongjun nodded.

Even Wei Hongjun felt a headache about this matter. If Lan Gongwu was a young and inexperienced person, then things would be difficult to handle.

"Yes, that's the right thing to do. When you get back, tell Gao Zhiyuan's family that you're verifying the situation and ask them not to worry. Also, tell the families of the Jidong officers and soldiers involved in the situation to remain calm."

After seeing off Lan Gongwu and the others, Wei Hongjun fell into deep thought.

This matter was easy to handle, but it was also difficult. It was mainly because there were so many concerns. Wei Hongjun thought about it and decided that he really couldn't make a decision on his own. He still had to consult with the central leadership.

After Wei Hongjun thought it through, he immediately called Marshal Nie. Wei Hongjun called Marshal Nie not because of their personal relationship, but because Marshal Nie happened to be in charge of the Political and Legal Committee, and was in charge of this part of the work. Furthermore, Wei Hongjun wanted to remind Marshal Nie that with the founding of New China, these problems would inevitably follow.

Marshal Nie was now a full-fledged leader of the Central Committee, and his daily work was very busy. Even though Wei Hongjun was an old subordinate of Marshal Nie, he still had to inform Marshal Nie in advance and ask him to make time for his visit. Marshal Nie knew that Wei Hongjun had important matters to attend to, so he made time for him.

Fortunately, Marshal Nie is also working in Peiping now.

Wei Hongjun quickly arrived at Marshal Nie's place by car. "Gao Zhiyuan's case is nothing."

Marshal Nie expressed the same idea after hearing Wei Hongjun's report.

Gao Zhiyuan's case was nothing to Nie Shuai and Wei Hongjun. There wasn't a significant figure behind it. Even if Nie Shuai and Wei Hongjun didn't intervene, they could still handle it once Deng Guo, Song Shilun, and the others came to their senses. After all, compared to their historical status, Xiao Zijing, Ma Xingrong, Wu Jinnan, and others were much more destitute now.

None of them have much weight.

Marshal Nie's expression was serious. "But this kind of case isn't easy to dig deeper, at least not at this stage. Red Army, you and I both experienced the anti-counterrevolutionary campaigns in the Central Soviet Area. There were also some extreme incidents in the various bases during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, as well as during the Rectification Movement. Reinvestigating these cases isn't a problem, but the biggest problem is that if we do, people will think we're using historical issues to address something. This will likely cause many Party members to dig up rumors and become paranoid. That's the hardest part."

Marshal Nie did not hide his thoughts in front of Wei Hongjun at all.

The case itself is not a big deal. What's scary is what's behind it.

Many leaders have committed certain acts in history. If you tell them we're merely reinvestigating these cases to give them an explanation, not to dig up historical flaws in specific leaders, do you think those leaders will believe you? They'll surely think Marshal Nie and Wei Hongjun are trying to overturn historical records as a political attack. If they believe that, they'll follow suit and dig up other people's dirty laundry. The entire Party will be on edge, and that's when things will get really bad. Once the Party climate becomes like that, it's very easy for internal struggles to ignite. That's a terrifying prospect.

Now is different from the 1980s in history.

Historically, in the 1980s, the central government began a large-scale rehabilitation program, and many cases were successfully rehabilitated. This wasn't due to fairness or courage at the time, but rather because there were powerful figures who could take the blame. In many cases, specific officials could be exonerated.

Then just pass it on to the chairman.

The chairman is strong enough to take the blame.

However, if any one cadre were solely held responsible for any of these crimes, their reputation would be ruined. Only someone of the Chairman's stature, achievements, and reputation could bear the burden of all these crimes. Therefore, many cases of exoneration in the 1980s ended with the Chairman taking the blame, without involving other cadres.

But now? It's not that easy.

Many cases, once investigated, inevitably offend the leaders who handled them. Furthermore, it's crucial to consider the current central government officials. If you look closely, every one of them has this kind of historical "black record," and the Chairman is no exception. The power of a central government leader is astonishing.

During the Rectification Movement, an incident occurred in Yan'an. Comrade Xiuyang, who headed the Northern Bureau in 1936, felt the bureau was understaffed and the situation was extremely tense. He instructed Party members and cadres imprisoned in the Peking area to write a notice to falsely surrender and be released. Sixty-one cadres escaped prison in this manner.

But not everyone agrees.

Many Party members and cadres in prison at the time considered this an act of betrayal and a sign of weakening resolve. Therefore, they refused to sign. Many did not leave prison until the July 7 Incident broke out. One of them was Han Peiyi.

During the Rectification Movement, he was merely a regimental political commissar in the Eighth Route Army. The party members and cadres who had been imprisoned with him and who had escaped prison under false pretenses by "fake surrender" were now high-ranking CCP officials. He was deeply dissatisfied with this and raised objections.

As a result, Peng Zhen and Kang Sheng, then deputy directors of the Cadre Review Committee, accused Han Peiyi of being "anti-Central" and gave him a Party probationary period. Dissatisfied, Han Peiyi continued to appeal, but was subsequently diagnosed as mentally ill and sent to the hospital.

In the end, Gao Gang, the Deputy Director of the Cadre Review Committee, couldn't bear to see Han Peiyi suffer, and spoke up for him. However, even if Gao Gang had intervened on Han Peiyi's behalf, he would have been doomed to fail. After all, Gao Gang was simply frustrated, and wouldn't actually fall out with Comrade Xiuyang, Peng Zhen, and Kang Sheng over Han Peiyi's actions.

"Commander, how do you think we should deal with these matters?"

Marshal Nie thought for a moment and said, "Have someone tell Gao Zhiyuan's family to go to Deng Guo and Song Shilun. Only if they come forward can the North China Bureau intervene in this matter. Also, handle this matter with a clear direction and don't dwell on the details." Wei Hongjun nodded.

Not pursuing the details meant not pursuing the specific individuals involved. Wei Hongjun understood that this was a compromise.

A choice made out of helplessness.

It also shows the attitude to the leading cadres within the party.

"Commander, I'm mostly dealing with North China. With a little attention, many problems can be solved and the impact can be contained. But once the People's Republic of China is established and military dependents and martyrs are identified nationwide, these kinds of issues will undoubtedly increase. You must be prepared."

After the founding of New China, it was not the case that the whole country could easily invest its resources in economic construction, because there were too many things to deal with after the founding of New China.

The most complicated issues here are those within the party.

"Ah."

Marshal Nie nodded.

If it were a problem in Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei, Marshal Nie could easily resolve it, and no one would say anything. But the problems elsewhere were many and complex. A comprehensive plan was necessary to resolve them and stabilize the mood within the Party. "I will discuss this matter with the Chairman and others. We need to come up with a sound plan. Until then, the North China Bureau must prioritize stability."

Nie Shuai is also walking on thin ice at the moment.

After all, having risen from being the head of a local Central Committee to now being the seventh-ranking official within the Party, and now in charge of the Political and Legal Affairs Committee, Marshal Nie is also adjusting his mindset and adapting to his current position. Therefore, Marshal Nie needs to consult with the Chairman and his colleagues on this matter and cannot make a decision on his own.

"Yes."

"There's one more thing I want to tell you."

Marshal Nie said, "The North China Bureau submitted a report to the Central Committee regarding the establishment of a steel plant in Baotou and the construction of the Guanting Reservoir. The Central Committee has approved it. Our representatives in the Soviet Union are negotiating with the Soviet side. If successful, the Soviet Union will send experts to guide us in the construction of the Baotou Steel Plant and the Guanting Reservoir. From the news we have received, the negotiations are generally going smoothly. It is estimated that the Soviet side will send experts within two or three months. Therefore, you, the North China Bureau, must be prepared. We must let the Soviet experts see the determination and strength of the North China Bureau."

"Great."

Wei Hongjun was overjoyed.

The 156 projects launched by New China weren't all one-offs. Instead, they were gradually added to the total through numerous rounds of negotiations. In fact, at this point, receiving more loans and support from the Soviet Union would be extremely beneficial to China's economic development. "Don't worry, Commander. I'll start planning as soon as I get back. We've already done a lot of preparatory work, and we're just waiting for this final step."

Chapter 759 Central People's Government

"Once the Baotou Steel Plant's location is determined, we'll enter the construction phase. We need to build more than just a factory; we'll build a steel complex. A city will likely need to be built where the steel plant is located. Baotou's environment is harsh, with a small population and poor land conditions, and the infrastructure is very poor. You, the infrastructure engineering corps, must be prepared to endure hardships."

After returning from Marshal Nie, Wei Hongjun immediately found Ma Changgeng and Zhao Ziyu.