Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

In order to support Sun Yi's large-scale training of retired officers and soldiers, Wei Hongjun gave Sun Yi great power, allowing him to recruit cadres from the Party School, the Military and Political Cadre School, the Public Security University, and even from the current North China Public Security Bureau and the Ministry of Civil Affairs to participate in the training.

At this time, Wei Hongjun finally had time to pay attention to the problems of the Mongolian grasslands.

"Comrade Wulanfu, we can't delay any longer."

Wei Hongjun had a serious expression.

There were a lot of things going on during this period, and Wei Hongjun couldn't get enough rest.

But overall, things were progressing well. After cooperating with the Northeast Bureau, the construction of coal mines in North China accelerated. Furthermore, coal mining machinery purchased from the Soviet Union began to flow into North China.

The cooperation and exchanges between the two sides in colleges and universities have also accelerated.

Marshal Nie hopes the North China Bureau will help.

Wei Hongjun's progress was also very smooth.

However, progress in Inner Mongolia has been extremely slow. In particular, land reform in Inner Mongolia has encountered significant resistance, and this resistance has come precisely from Wulanfu.

He wants stability.

He hoped that land reform would be gradual.

"Secretary Wei, you have to understand one thing. Inner Mongolia and the Mongolian Republic are neighbors. If our policies go too far, it could easily lead to border instability. People from our side often flee to the Mongolian Republic. The Mongolian princes and nobles still have a great influence in Inner Mongolia. If they choose to flee, it would easily lead to a large number of people following them. This is not conducive to the stability of Inner Mongolia.

Ulanfu governed Inner Mongolia and Suiyuan.

He was quite capable and decisive in his work, but when it came to land reform, he had too many things to consider.

Of course Wei Hongjun can also understand it.

The situation in Mongolia was similar to that elsewhere. Those who could truly read in those days were generally children of wealthy families in the inland areas. Seriously speaking, few of the first generation of Chinese Communist Party leaders came from truly impoverished families. How could anyone possibly become an educated person if they couldn't even afford to eat? And how could anyone possibly understand revolutionary principles without studying?

The situation in Mongolia is even more serious.

Mongolia is almost a semi-slave and semi-feudal society.

Many herders were slaves of the Mongol nobility, their private property. Therefore, those who were able to study and eventually join the revolution came from relatively well-off families. Many even came from the Mongol nobility.

Even if they did not join the revolution like Ulanfu.

But when Ulanfu was setting up a government in Inner Mongolia, he needed a large number of Mongolian cadres, and the first ones he would appoint were definitely the Mongolian scholars.

Wulanfu should consider their feelings.

This is also why Wulanfu has consistently resisted pressure to implement thorough land reform in Inner Mongolia. Many of the cadres of the Mongolian Autonomous Government were from the upper aristocracy and large landowners. Consequently, land reform in Inner Mongolia has faced considerable resistance. Consequently, rent and interest reductions are still being implemented in Inner Mongolia and Suiyuan, and land policies remain relatively moderate.

Whether it is grassland or arable land, including the leasing of livestock, the "25% rent reduction" method is adopted.

"Besides, when our Inner Mongolia Autonomous Government was established, we put forward the program of autonomous government. We have abolished the political power of the upper aristocracy and carried out gradual reforms in Inner Mongolia.

Inner Mongolia Autonomous Government.

This was decided at a meeting attended by representatives of various ethnic groups including Mongolian, Daur, Ewenki, Han, Manchu, Hui, and Zhuang from most leagues and banners in Inner Mongolia after Ulanfu executed a group of pro-democracy forces in the past.

It was at this meeting that Ulanfu was elected Chairman of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Government.

Not to mention Wei Hongjun doesn't care about this.

The hasty establishment of the Mongolian Autonomous Government was the product of a compromise between Ulanfu and his colleagues and the upper class of Inner Mongolia. Wei Hongjun was opposed to it at the time. Jin-Cha-Ji was not without strength, so why compromise with these upper class nobles?

Even now.

Wei Hongjun was opposed to the so-called Inner Mongolia Autonomous Government.

Historically, the central government agreed to establish local ethnic autonomous governments because the situation at the time was unfavorable and Inner Mongolia was unstable. However, at this time, the Jin-Cha-Ji region was unprecedentedly powerful, so the central government was not too anxious.

There is no clear statement because we want to see the effect of ethnic autonomy.

"Comrade Wulanfu, the economic base determines the superstructure. The Inner Mongolia Autonomous Government nominally abolished the political privileges of the upper nobility and large landowners in Inner Mongolia and Suiyuan, but it still retained their complete economic power. These upper nobility and large landowners possess such formidable economic power, so how could their political privileges be eliminated? Only by completely depriving them of their economic power can their political privileges be eliminated."

Wei Hongjun was very angry.

Those upper-class nobles and large landowners still control the economic power of Inner Mongolia and Suiyuan.

What is the point of abolishing so-called political privileges?

Those herders and tenants still had to graze and farm for these upper-class nobles and large landowners. The "25% rent reduction" was indeed a good policy, greatly reducing the burden on herders and tenants. However, this policy was only good during the Anti-Japanese War.

But now the old liberated areas have all carried out vigorous taxi reforms.

At this time, the so-called "25% rent reduction" is actually backward.

"As for concerns about people fleeing, I don't think there's any need to worry.

Chairman Mao has said that in our revolution, people are free to come and go. This also applies to Inner Mongolia. We allow them to come and go freely. Those who wish to stay in China can join us in building China. We will not stop those who do not wish to stay.

"Comrade Wulanfu, Inner Mongolia is not only strategically important, but also plays a significant role in the economy. Currently, North China's rural areas are seriously short of arable livestock such as cattle, donkeys, and oxen, and wool is one of the major commodities exported to the Soviet Union. Therefore, we must adjust production relations, liberate productivity, and increase the number of livestock in Inner Mongolia. There is also arable land in Inner Mongolia and Suiyuan, and I also need to resettle those who are unemployed in the cities. All of these require our overall planning. However, if the grasslands and arable land in Inner Mongolia and Suiyuan are still controlled by the upper class aristocrats and large landowners, the implementation of any of our policies will be affected. Therefore, land reform must be completed as soon as possible. If Comrade Wulanfu disagrees, then I can only convene a meeting of the North China Bureau and force the implementation in the name of the North China Bureau."

Developing Inner Mongolia's animal husbandry and managing the arable land in Inner Mongolia and Suiyuan are good things for North China.

There is actually quite a bit of arable land in Inner Mongolia and Suiyuan.

According to preliminary statistics, the current arable land alone is more than 60 million mu.

However, due to poor management, yields per mu were only a few dozen kilograms, limiting grain production. Inner Mongolia's animal husbandry, though significantly improved after two years of reform under Ulanfu, remained underdeveloped. Only after land reform was the government able to invest more resources in developing animal husbandry and agriculture.

Wulanfu was in a dilemma.

He knew he couldn't object. Once the North China Bureau meeting came up, there was no way Wei Hongjun would be able to stop him. Furthermore, Marshal Nie had already laid the groundwork, establishing the Inner Mongolia Military Region before the Battle of Pingjin.

Directly suppress those forces that are ready to move through armed forces.

"Comrade Wulanfu, I plan to set up a land reform working committee for Inner Mongolia and Suiyuan. Comrade Chen Tao will be the committee's director, and Comrade Lai Dahe will be the deputy director. They will be fully responsible for land reform work in Inner Mongolia and Suiyuan. I hope you can support this."

Chapter 752 The Second Session of the Seventh Central Committee

Since the People's Liberation Army successfully crossed the river, the revolutionary situation in the country has been very good.

The CCP's momentum is already established, and the People's Liberation Army is already unstoppable.

The First Field Army had already captured Xi'an and Lanzhou and was advancing on Xining. In other words, the First Field Army had already liberated Shaanxi, Gansu, and Ningxia, and was about to liberate Qinghai. The First and Sixth Armies of the First Corps of the First Field Army had already begun preparations to enter Xinjiang.

The current situation in the Northwest Bureau is that Peng Dehua serves as the first secretary, General He serves as the second secretary, and Xi Zhongxun serves as the third secretary.

The Shaanxi Military Region was reorganized from the Third Corps of the First Field Army, formerly the Third Corps of the North China Military Region. Its commander was Guo Tianmin, commander of the Third Corps; its political commissar was Liu Daosheng; and its deputy political commissar and director of the political department was Wang Zonghuai.

The Second Corps was changed to the Gansu Military Region, with Xu Guangda as commander and Zhang Desheng as political commissar.

Shaanxi and Gansu, both important provinces in the northwest, were directly converted from corps to military regions. However, the Ningxia Military Region and the Qinghai Military Region were converted from corps-level units. The Fourth Army of the First Corps was redesignated as the Qinghai Military Region. Gao Wei, Deputy Commander of the First Corps and Commander of the Fourth Army, was appointed Commander of the Qinghai Military Region, with Zhang Chao as Political Commissar. Yu Qiuli, former Political Commissar of the First Army, was appointed Chairman of the Qinghai Provincial Military and Political Committee, with Zhang Chao as Vice Chairman.

The Fourth Corps of the First Field Army followed General He, crossed Hanzhong, Shaanxi, and entered Sichuan.

The situation south of the Yangtze River was even smoother.

Within three months, Hubei, Hunan, Anhui, Zhejiang, Jiangxi, and Guizhou were all captured by the PLA. The East China Military Region subsequently established the Zhejiang, Northern Anhui, and Southern Anhui Military Regions. Both the Zhejiang and Northern Anhui Military Regions were directly converted from the Third Field Army. Only the Southern Anhui Military Region was established after the Fifth Field Army crossed the Yangtze River, as a temporary settlement before advancing into Jiangxi and Fujian. The 20rd Army of the 73th Corps remained in Southern Anhui, and was directly converted into the Southern Anhui Military Region.

Feng Mulin served as commander of the Southern Anhui Military Region, and Lu Weisheng as its political commissar. However, with the reorganization of the 73rd Army into the Southern Anhui Military Region, it became a second-tier military region within the East China Military Region. The 73rd Army was also separated from the 20th Corps and placed under the command of the East China Military Region. The First Column of Cadres from North China, which had followed the Fifth Field Army southward, was then transformed into the Southern Anhui District Party Committee and the Southern Anhui Administrative Office.

Niu Shucai, commander of the First Column of North China Cadres Going South, was appointed secretary of the Southern Anhui District Party Committee, and Lu Weisheng was appointed deputy secretary of the Southern Anhui District Party Committee and director of the Southern Anhui Administrative Office. However, the First Column of North China Cadres Going South was merged into the East China Bureau from this point on.

The Hunan Military Region was established, with Wang Qiuyun as commander and Han Weiguo as political commissar. Wang Qiuyun also served as director of the Changsha Military Control Commission, with Chu He and Wang Shoudao as deputy directors.

The Hunan Military and Political Committee was established, with Cheng Qian as chairman and Wang Qiuyun, Han Weiguo, and Chu He as vice-chairmen. Han Weiguo served as chairman of the Hunan Provisional Government, while Chu He and Wang Shoudao served as vice-chairmen.

The 18th Corps of the Fifth Field Army was transferred to the Jiangxi Military Region, with Qiu Wei as commander and Liu Shude as political commissar. The Jiangxi Provincial Committee was established, with Liu Shude as secretary. Wei Ming, commander of the Second Column of North China Cadres, became chairman of the Jiangxi Provisional Government.

At the same time, the Central China Bureau established the South China and Southeast China Bureaus. This was primarily due to the Central China Bureau's enormous size, covering seven provinces, plus Taiwan, Hong Kong, and other territories. Furthermore, it oversaw the Fourth and Fifth Field Armies, and the reorganization of numerous Nationalist troops along the way, now totaling nearly two million troops. Therefore, the Central China Bureau inevitably required some significant division. As sub-bureaus under the Central China Bureau, the South China Bureau oversaw Guangdong, Guangxi, and Hong Kong, while the Southeast Bureau covered Jiangxi, Fujian, and Taiwan. The Central China Bureau was directly responsible for Henan, Hubei, and Hunan.

Yang Quanwu, as the fourth secretary of the Central China Bureau and acting commander of the Fifth Field Army, also served as the first secretary of the Southeast Bureau. Wang Zhi served as the second secretary, Zhang Zihua served as the third secretary, and Zhu Liangcai served as the fourth secretary.

Ye Jianying was appointed First Secretary of the South China Branch, Deng Guo, in his capacity as First Deputy Secretary of the Central China Bureau, concurrently served as Second Secretary of the South China Branch, Luo Qirong as Third Secretary, Zhang Yunyi as Fourth Secretary, and Fang Fang as Fifth Secretary. While Ye Jianying was still in office, Deng Guo, in his capacity as Second Secretary of the South China Branch, presided over the bureau's work.

Originally, Luo Qirong followed the Fifth Field Army southward as an acting political commissar and had nothing to do with the Fourth Field Army. But Marshal Lin admired Luo Qirong very much, and Luo Qirong was an old subordinate of Marshal Lin in his early years. Therefore, after the establishment of the Central China Bureau, although Luo Qirong was only the fifth deputy secretary, he was deeply supported by Marshal Lin. Marshal Lin did not let Luo Qirong continue to follow the Fifth Field Army southward to fight, but transferred him to the Central China Bureau to assist Marshal Lin in handling the daily work of the Central China Bureau. When the South China Branch was established, the Central Committee appointed Marshal Ye as the first secretary, and many people in the Central China Bureau were unhappy. So Marshal Lin sent Luo Qirong to be the third secretary.

Amidst the favorable national revolutionary situation, the Central Committee convened the Second Session of the Seventh Central Committee on March 1948, 3, in Yi County. With the exception of those currently at the front and unable to return, all other Central Committee members and alternate members were present. Including the cadres present as observers, the total number of attendees was over ninety, less than one hundred.

It begins with reports from the leaders.

At the opening ceremony, the Chairman delivered, on behalf of the Political Bureau, the "Report to the Second Plenary Session of the Seventh Central Committee of the Communist Party of China." He first reported on the work of the Central Committee over the past three years, beginning with the Seventh National Congress. He then outlined the Central Committee's outlook for the future, focusing on politics, the economy, military affairs, and diplomacy.

In addition to the Chairman, Wu Hao, Commander-in-Chief, Xiu Yang, Ren Peiguo, as well as leading cadres from various local bureaus such as Chen Yun, Nie Shuai, Peng, Lao Zong, Deng Xixian, Lin Shuai, Gao Gang, Rao Shushi, and Chen Shuai all made reports.

In total, 34 people gave reports.

Marshal Nie was the Secretary of the North China Bureau, but his report this time was not a work report on the North China Bureau. Instead, it was a report on the work of the Political and Legal Committee over the past six months, as well as his outlook for the future work of the Political and Legal Committee of New China.

As for the report of the North China Bureau, it was handed over to Wei Hongjun, the acting secretary.

Since Wei Hongjun was not a member or alternate member of the Central Committee, he was considered an attending cadre at the Second Session of the Seventh Central Committee. However, since he was currently in charge of the daily work of the North China Bureau, the North China Military Region, and the North China People's Government, he was given special permission to make a report.

Wei Hongjun was very serious during the meeting.

Especially when Gao Gang was making his report to the Northeast Bureau, Wei Hongjun didn't dare to miss a single word. Although Wei Hongjun disliked Gao Gang's overbearing attitude, he greatly admired his work ability. In a short period of time, the Northeast's industrial and agricultural output value had rapidly surpassed the peak industrial and agricultural output values ​​of the Zhang father and son and the puppet Manchukuo era, repeatedly setting new records.

How could Wei Hongjun not admire such ability?

Wei Hongjun, who also oversaw North China's economic recovery, understood the difficulties of restoring the economy. While North China's current industrial and agricultural output has surpassed historical peaks, this was due to a solid foundation. Since around 1942, the Jin-Cha-Ji region had established a robust rear base. This gave Wei Hongjun ample time to slowly deploy and develop.

Compared to North China, the Party's foundation in Northeast China was weak, but Gao Gang took the Northeast's economy to a new level in just two years.

Only by truly experiencing the same time and space can one understand why, historically, "five men entered Beijing, one leading the way." It was simply because Gao Gang's achievements in Northeast China were so dazzling. His report to the Northeast Bureau received a resounding response, especially from officials from the local Central Bureau, who were highly appreciative of Gao Gang's achievements. Another major historical achievement of Gao Gang was his stabilization of logistics during the Korean War. This is why, upon arriving in Beijing, he was appointed Director of the Planning Commission.

Therefore, Wei Hongjun attached particular importance to Gao Gang's report.

Gao Gang must have had some skills to thrive in Northeast China, and Wei Hongjun must have learned from him.

Of course, in addition to the work report, everyone mainly discussed the chairman's report.

The Chairman's report is a report on the Central Committee's future work. Once approved, it will set the direction for the Central Committee's work for the next several years. After several days of discussion, everyone expressed affirmation of the work of the Politburo since the Seventh National Congress. They also acknowledged the achievements of the Politburo in recent years, as outlined in the Chairman's report.

Including discussions on the work of various local bureaus in recent years.

The North China Bureau was the most powerful.

There's no way around it; North China's performance is simply excellent. Whether it's politics, economics, military affairs, or even education, North China is far ahead of the other local bureaus. The Chairman's work report reviewed the achievements of the various local bureaus, and North China was undeniably the best.

The meeting approved the Chairman's proposal in his report, which was initiated by the Chinese Communist Party, to convene a new Political Consultative Conference and establish a democratic coalition government. However, the discussion was heated. Many cadres had a negative impression of democratic figures.

In particular, criticism was expressed towards some democratic figures who had originally planned to go north but were frightened by the Americans and did not dare to do so. There were also some democratic figures who had already arrived in the liberated areas but had been clamoring that China should not oppose the United States and had even contacted Kuomintang spies in panic.

They believe that whether it is the Political Consultative Conference or the establishment of a democratic coalition government, these democrats with unstable positions should be screened and should not be casually admitted into the Political Consultative Conference. The Political Consultative Conference and the democratic coalition government to be established will represent the new China, and such people must not be allowed to appear in the Political Consultative Conference.

Finally, the meeting decided to criticize, in the name of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, the view that people were afraid of the great powers and did not dare to fight for national independence and freedom.

Next came the military struggle.

The meeting agreed with the Chairman's proposal to completely destroy Chiang Kai-shek's reactionary ruling clique. Previous Central Committee documents had included numerous proposals for reforming the Kuomintang military and the Kuomintang regime. However, as the revolutionary situation improved, many of these peaceful proposals were abandoned at this meeting. The focus was squarely on destroying Kuomintang rule.