Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Stalin ignored Malenkov.

Instead, he asked Vasilevsky directly. Vasilevsky thought for a moment and said, "Comrade Stalin, the situation in China is quite complicated. If the United States truly fully supports Chiang Kai-shek's group, then Chiang Kai-shek's group should at least be able to secure the area south of the Yangtze River. The Yangtze River has been a natural barrier in China since ancient times, and it would not be easy for the Chinese Communist Army to cross it."

"You mean, there's a high probability that China will have two regimes, the north and the south, with the Yangtze River as the dividing line?"

“From a military perspective, it’s very likely that something like this will happen.

"Ah."

Stalin has always been hesitant.

On the one hand, he hoped that China could contain the United States, and even if a war broke out between China and the United States, the containment would be even more effective. As long as the United States was contained by China in the Far East, the Soviet Union could suppress the United States in Europe. However, Stalin did not believe that the Chinese Communist Party would dare to fight against Britain and the United States, and even had some doubts about the Chinese Communist Party's ability. If Britain and the United States were to be defeated, the Soviet Union would be in an awkward position.

To help or not to help?

As the big brother of the socialist camp, what would the younger brothers think if the Soviet Union did not help? However, if it helped, the consequences would be unpredictable. The Soviet Union really did not want to have a direct military conflict with Britain and the United States.

Stalin was generally quite satisfied with the Yalta Agreement signed by Britain, the United States, and the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union was still recovering, licking its wounds. At this point, Stalin was reluctant to engage in direct conflict with Britain and the United States, which would affect the interests agreed upon in the Yalta Agreement.

This made him very conflicted.

Furthermore, the agreements signed between the Soviet Union and Chiang Kai-shek allowed the Soviet Union to gain many benefits in China's Far East. However, Stalin was unsure whether the Chinese Communist Party would recognize the agreements he signed with Chiang Kai-shek.

If China does not recognize those terms, then all the efforts the Soviet Union has made over the years in persuading Chiang Kai-shek will be wasted.

All of this made the Soviet Union always feel uncomfortable when it came to China.

The CCP is a fraternal party. Its success is beneficial to expanding the socialist camp and strengthening the Soviet Union's influence. The benefits are numerous. With a major country like China as a younger brother, the Soviet Union has more confidence when speaking out.

But Stalin was worried that after the Chinese Communist Party’s revolution was successful, it would become as disobedient as Tito.

Because the CCP and Tito have great similarities.

The world is conquered by ourselves.

The other socialist countries were basically established with the support of the Soviet Union. Only the Chinese Communist Party and Tito led their own troops to establish their own countries.

Stalin had to make a trade-off.

It was better to see whether it was more beneficial for the Soviet Union to strengthen the socialist camp or to maintain the Soviet Union's interests in the Far East. If it were in the past, Stalin would have chosen the interests of the Soviet Union in the Far East without hesitation.

But now that the United States is putting pressure on him, Stalin has more to consider.

The prelude to the Cold War has actually begun.

Stalin had already sensed this. The United States and the Soviet Union each occupied a separate camp. This wasn't a struggle between one or two countries, but rather a struggle between two camps, two systems. As the elder brother of the socialist camp, the Soviet Union must handle the issue from a higher perspective.

The struggle between the socialist camp and the imperialist camp is the main theme.

And Stalin also took Vasilevsky's words to heart. The CCP's advantage north of the Yangtze River was growing, but the area south of the Yangtze River was still the territory of Chiang Kai-shek's group.

Stalin had a rough idea in his mind.

He certainly wanted to support the fraternal party, but he couldn't completely abandon Chiang Kai-shek. If the CCP and Chiang Kai-shek's group could divide the country, that would be the best outcome for the Soviet Union. The CCP could contain some of the US's power in China, while also becoming more dependent on the Soviet Union's support. Then, the CCP would be less likely to raise further objections to the treaties signed by Chiang Kai-shek's group. At this thought, Stalin gradually smiled.

"Comrade Stalin, the Chinese Communist Party wants to send Comrade Wu Hao to visit the Soviet Union."

Mikoyan handed the CCP's telegram to Stalin.

Stalin gave them a warning look, then said, "Promise them.

After Stalin made up his mind, he wanted to meet with the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party more eagerly than before.

He wanted to know what the CCP was thinking. If the CCP truly became China's ruling party, how would it handle relations with the Soviet Union? Would it recognize the Soviet Union's position within the socialist camp, and would it fully obey Soviet orders? Since the CCP had sent a senior official like Wu Hao to the Soviet Union, Stalin was willing to meet with him.

Listen to their ideas.

Soon Yan'an also received a telegram from the Soviet Union.

The Chairman looked at the telegram and said directly: "The Americans are trying to interfere in our war of liberation.

"That's right. The war between us and Chiang Kai-shek has reached this point, and the Americans are still trying to mediate our war. It's really ridiculous. They just want to buy Chiang Kai-shek some time."

They are all thousand-year-old foxes, what kind of chat are they playing?

The Chairman and his team received the telegram from the US forwarded by the Soviet Union and immediately understood what the US was trying to do. Wu Hao said, "The Soviet Union is trying to test our attitude.

The chairman nodded.

"The Soviet Union is also unsure of our current thinking, so they want to use this telegram to gauge our reaction. At this time, our attitude cannot be vague, and we must tell the Soviet Union our true thoughts."

If our stance is ambiguous, the Soviet Union might follow suit. The Soviet Union is the big brother of the socialist camp, and Chinese Communist parties around the world are watching it. Sometimes we need to force the Soviet Union to make a choice.

"Yes, we should express our attitude clearly.

Only in this way can we avoid giving the Soviet Union any opportunity to be ambiguous.

Ren Peiguo supports the Chairman's views.

The CCP now needs the support of the Soviet Union, and it must be clear-cut support.

"But the United States is really going to intervene in our war of liberation."

Ren Peiguo was a little worried.

After all, it was the United States. Why, even at this point, did the Kuomintang Central Army commanders still maintain an optimistic outlook on the war? It was because they believed the United States would never allow the Kuomintang to fail. As long as the United States supported the Kuomintang, the situation on the Chinese battlefield could be reversed at any moment. Many people still held a deep faith in the United States.

But this was all achieved by the United States thanks to its performance in World War II.

Xiuyang said solemnly: "Now we have no other choice but to speed up the pace of the Liberation War.

The chairman nodded.

I strongly agree with the idea of ​​self-cultivation.

He said: "The Liberation War cannot be delayed. We must liberate the area north of the Yangtze River before the United States fully intervenes. If the United States intervenes before we take over the area north of the Yangtze River, the situation will be very bad."

"The enemy."

The commander-in-chief said, "We must strive for speed now."

The Chairman looked at the map and said, "We can only let the North China Field Army finish its rest and recuperation. I think the Military Commission should assign numbers to each field army in advance.

"Ah."

Chapter 718 Wei Hongjun's Future

While the Central Committee, Chiang Kai-shek, the United States and the Soviet Union were secretly testing each other, Wei Hongjun was extremely busy in the city of Peking.

I eat and live in the office.

"What's wrong with you? Who is so angry about our principal Sun?"

Wei Hongjun was in his office dealing with something when Du Liqing and Sun Yi came to see him. Du Liqing was calm, but Sun Yi was fuming and looked depressed. Sun Yi's main job recently was to take over the universities in Peking, so it shouldn't be a big deal.

Where did you get angry from?

Could it be that those university professors and students did not treat Sun Yi well?

But that's not right either.

Sun Yi didn't just join the revolution.

Sun Yi had seen many ups and downs; after all, he was a cadre who had participated in the Ningdu Uprising. Ever since Marshal Nie opened up the Jin-Cha-Ji region after the July 7 Incident, he had been on the education front, primarily training cadres for the military and local communities.

Among the cadres who took over Peking this time, how many were Sun Yi’s students.

Sun Yi was sitting in front of Wei Hongjun. Seeing Wei Hongjun's cup, he took it and drank from it. Then he put the cup on the table with a "clang" and said, "Old Wei, there is something that must be resolved. If it is not resolved, it will definitely cause a lot of trouble in the future.

"whats the matter."

Wei Hongjun also became serious.

It must be no small matter that could make Sun Yi so angry.

Sun Yi said, "Do you know what people are saying outside right now?"

"say what?"

"They all say the old revolution is not as good as the new revolution, and the new revolution is not as good as no revolution."

Wei Hongjun was stunned.

This phrase is very familiar to Wei Hongjun. There's a historical saying: "Being non-revolutionary is worse than being counter-revolutionary, and being a minor counter-revolutionary is worse than being a major counter-revolutionary." In the early days of liberation, many Party members were very resentful, especially when the Political Consultative Conference was held and democratic figures were invited. This resentment reached a peak, leading to the saying, "The CCP conquers the world, while the democratic figures rule it."

Wei Hongjun didn't expect that this sentence would appear not long after he entered Peiping.

So Wei Hongjun asked, "What happened?"

"The first complaint was mainly from Party members and cadres. They were opposed to the Central Committee's agreement to appoint Hou Jingru as the commander of the Eighth Corps. They felt that it was inappropriate to give Hou Jingru, a rebel general, the title of corps commander."

"anything else?"

In fact, not to mention that ordinary party members and cadres were opposed to this, even Wei Hongjun was not very satisfied.

But there is no way.

Many things are not what you want them to be.

Just like Hou Jingru, if the central government did not properly settle him, how would others view the Communist Party of China? Hou Jingru's uprising directly led to more than 100,000 people joining the People's Liberation Army and completely handed over Beijing to the People's Liberation Army.

There can be no reward.

In fact, Hou Jingru is nothing.

When the People's Republic of China was founded, many of the "executioners" whose hands were stained with the blood of the CCP members joined the new government. This is why there is the saying "small counter-revolutionaries are worse than big counter-revolutionaries."

Du Liqing, who was standing next to him, said, "It's better not to revolt. It's a question of treatment."

"What about it?"

"Our party members and cadres are currently working under a supply system. In addition to food and clothing, they receive allowances, the exact amount of which you know.

But the situation with the other staff members was completely different. This time, when we took over various departments in Peking, we retained the existing staff members, preserving their original salaries and benefits. However, this led to problems with their salaries. Did you know? The allowances for the new Public Security Bureau chiefs we sent down were significantly lower than the average daily police officer's salary. Among all the departments, our own takeover cadres received the worst pay.

"Do they have any objections?"

“The opinions are huge.”

Du Liqing nodded.

Sun Yi, standing next to him, said, "You guys in the Public Security Department are doing relatively well. Do you know how big the problem is in our education department? The cadres we sent to the universities to take over are in even worse shape. In fact, this problem has already appeared for over half a year."

"More than half a year ago?"

"Yes, Old Wei, there have been quite a few problems since the founding of North China University. After President Fan (Fan Wenlan) became president, a group of prominent figures and celebrities came to teach there. The disparity between their salaries and the allowances of Party cadres was enormous. Later, after President Fan's coordination, some of the voices were suppressed. But this time, after taking over the schools in Peking, the cadres taking over the universities have again raised different opinions. Because the allowances we receive are only one-tenth, or even several-tenths, of those of the university teachers. The gap is quite large."

"But our party members and cadres, under the supply system, don't have to worry about food and clothing."