Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Currently, division-level units in Peking, such as the reorganized 42nd Division, can be considered division-level units. This means that all Nationalist troops in Peking total approximately 20 divisions. Of course, some of these divisions are not worth reorganizing and will eventually be disbanded or merged with other division-level units.

The People's Liberation Army currently has a total of 15 column units in Hebei.

Yang Quanwu's thoughts are still very clear.

Compared to the General Front Committee sending cadres, it was not easy to reorganize more than 20 troops. The best way was to cram the troops into each column, so that the task of reorganizing these division-level units could be handed over to the lower columns.

The General Front Committee only needs to come up with an overall restructuring policy.

Yang Quanwu continued, "In fact, with this kind of reorganization, the ones with the most problems are the original officers of the troops.

"Officers can come and go freely. Those who wish to leave will be given money and train tickets and allowed to go. Those who wish to stay will study at the North China Military and Political University for six months, and their arrangements will be made upon their return."

In reorganizing the National Army, the officers of the National Army were indeed the most difficult.

Wei Hongjun was also unwilling to allow most of the Nationalist Army officers to remain in the army. The best solution was for them to take the money and leave. Wei Hongjun thought for a moment and said, "The Military Commission has given us the organization of two corps. How do you think we should reorganize them?

"Some of the troops that surrendered during the Tianjin Uprising were incorporated into the Fifth Corps. Two brigades were drawn from the Fifth Corps to form the Seventh Corps with the 53rd Army and the 12th Column of the Northeastern Army. After the Battle of Peking, some of the troops that surrendered during the Peking Uprising were incorporated into the First and Second Corps. The Eighth Corps was formed with the 92nd Army and troops drawn from the First and Second Corps."

Yang Quanwu spoke.

In Yang Quanwu's mind, the First Division and the Eighth Column of the Jin-Cha-Ji Army were the most loyal troops of the Jin-Cha-Ji Army. With the exception of the Yidong Army, all the other troops currently engaged in the Pingjin Campaign were able to connect with the First Division and the Eighth Column. So his plan was simple: each corps would take down one.

Yang Quanwu was the deputy commander of the North China Military Region and the North China Field Army, and the commander-in-chief of the Pingjin Campaign. His words carried great weight.

"What is the cadre composition of the Seventh and Eighth Corps?"

Wei Hongjun asked Yang Quanwu.

Since Yang Quanwu was interested in reorganizing the troops in this way, Wei Hongjun naturally accepted it. Yang Quanwu said, "Comrade Zheng Weishan will serve as the commander of the Seventh Corps, and Comrade Li Tianhao will serve as the political commissar."

Zheng Weishan was one of the most successful generals in the Jin-Cha-Ji region after the outbreak of the Liberation War. He fought brilliantly in several tough battles in the Ji-Re-Cha Military Region, earning him widespread renown. If it weren't for Zhang Zihua in the Ji-Re-Cha Military Region, Zheng Weishan would undoubtedly have been the commander of the Fifth Corps.

Li Tianhao is currently the deputy political commissar and director of the political department of the Fifth Corps.

Excellent ability.

Although he was the deputy political commissar and director of the political department of the Fifth Corps, he met Wei Hongjun relatively late. He was previously a cadre of the Third Corps and spent a long time in the Hebei-Central Military Region during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression.

But Wei Hongjun admired him very much.

Capable and strong character.

"As for the Eighth Corps, Hou Jingru served as commander, Gan Weihan as political commissar, and Wang Zhao as director of the political department.

Gan Weihan is a cadre from Shanxi, Hebei, Shandong and Henan.

He was previously the political director of the Shanxi-Hebei-Shandong-Henan Military Region. After the establishment of the North China Military Region, he came to serve in the Eastern Group Army. This time, Yang Quanwu recommended him to serve as the political commissar of the Eighth Corps.

Wang Zhao is a true legend. Though only thirty years old, he's a true veteran revolutionary. He became a Party member and county Party secretary at fifteen. He worked in the Jin-Cha-Ji Fourth Sub-district. Later, after the establishment of the Ji-Lu Military Region, Huang Yong rapidly expanded the military, leaving him severely short of political cadres. So, he transferred him to the army. Currently, Wang Zhao serves as the political commissar of a column under Yang's Jin-Cha-Ji Second Corps.

Wang Zhao is young, but his abilities are really outstanding.

"I agree."

Wang Zhi supported it.

Because Yang Quanwu's ideas are very realistic.

Luo Qirong looked at Yang Quanwu, knowing full well that the newly formed North China Field Army Corps, seemingly a reorganized Nationalist army unit, had been quickly divided up by the First, Second, and Fifth Corps. He couldn't raise any objections at this point, so he nodded.

Seeing that everyone agreed, Wei Hongjun said, "Then it's settled. I'll report today's meeting to the Central Committee and the North China Bureau. If they agree, we will reorganize the troops accordingly."

Director Luo, you can tell this to Hou Jingru when you negotiate with him."

Chapter 714 Liberation of Peking

The Central Committee quickly approved the report of the General Front Committee and agreed with the General Front Committee's ideas for the Battle of Peking and the reorganization of the troops. With the Central Committee's approval, Wei Hongjun quickly began to organize the Seventh Corps.

One division was drawn from the 53rd Army, and seven regiments were integrated from other Tianjin troops that had revolted and surrendered. This total of one division and seven regiments was incorporated into the Fifth Corps. Next, one brigade was drawn from each of the Fifth Corps' 53th, 21th, and 22th columns, as well as the artillery column. The three infantry brigades and one artillery brigade drawn from the Fifth Corps, along with two divisions from the rd Army and the troops that had surrendered from Tianjin, were combined to form the st and nd columns of the North China Field Army.

Zhao Guoping, the former commander of the 53rd Army, who actively engaged with the People's Liberation Army and had a close historical relationship with the Communist Party of China, was appointed commander of the 21st Column, with Zhou Yuanshan as its political commissar. Chen Zuning, the former commander of the 22st Brigade, was appointed commander of the 22nd Column, with Guo Yonghuai as its political commissar.

The 12th, 21st, and 22nd columns were reorganized into the th Corps of the North China Field Army. Zheng Weishan, deputy commander of the th Corps, was appointed commander of the th Corps, Li Tianhao, deputy political commissar of the th Corps, was appointed political commissar, and Yi Yaocai, deputy commander and chief of staff of the th Column of the th Corps, was appointed chief of staff of the th Corps.

The Fifth and Seventh Corps reorganized while following Yang Quanwu to participate in the Battle of Peiping.

Yang Quanwu doesn't like this kind of battle.

Because it's too troublesome.

War is war. How can we fight if we're worried about this and that? Yang Quanwu was overwhelmed when he first received orders from the Central Committee and the North China Bureau. War is inevitable without destruction. If you don't allow the use of heavy weapons, how can we fight the elite troops of the Nationalist Army?

That's why the question of whether cannons could be used was raised directly at the General Front Committee meeting.

Wei Hongjun agreed to use artillery in the outer positions, and the Central Committee and the North China Bureau also agreed with this idea. As long as the city of Peking was not completely destroyed, then the outer positions could use artillery. This gave Yang Quanwu a peace of mind. Of course, Yang Quanwu also knew that being able to use artillery and using it indiscriminately were two different things. Peking was an ancient capital after all, and if it was really destroyed, it would be unacceptable to anyone. However, although Peking could not be blown to pieces, the momentum on the battlefield still had to be brought out. The momentum had to overwhelm the Nationalist army and undermine their morale.

Moreover, the Central Committee only gave suggestions on how to fight the Battle of Peking, rather than absolute orders.

We should try our best to preserve Beiping and liberate Beiping as completely as possible, but this is not necessary.

Because no one can guarantee absolute success in war. The Chairman and his colleagues had fought many years of war and understood that whenever a war broke out, many unexpected events would inevitably occur. Therefore, they only suggested to the North China Bureau and the General Front Committee of the Peiping-Tianjin Campaign that, if possible, they should preserve the integrity of Peiping.

Yang Quanwu's preparations were very successful.

Yang Quanwu's pretense of storming Peking caused great anxiety among the Nationalist troops within the city. Even many of the Nationalist generals within the city had lost confidence. After all, the People's Liberation Army could capture Tianjin in less than five days, so how long could Peking hold out?

Beijing has 50,000 to 60,000 more people than Tianjin, but that’s only 50,000 to 60,000 more people.

But look at the PLA intelligence.

The PLA mobilized five corps and a large number of local troops for the Battle of Peiping-Tianjin. A total of 70 men were mobilized. After capturing Tianjin, the main force of the North China Liberation Army had completely encircled Peking.

How can we save Peking at this moment?

With the Nationalist army in Beiping in high spirits, on June 1947, 6, Yang Quanwu commanded the field army, which had rested for ten days, to attack Beiping. Although he had hesitated beforehand, once the fighting began, Yang Quanwu didn't care about the mess.

The Kuomintang positions on the outer city wall were bombarded indiscriminately.

The base of Peking's outer city wall was 9 meters thick, and the top was 9 meters thick. The Nationalist army had built a tight defensive position there. If they didn't use artillery to attack, countless casualties would result. Yang Quanwu refused to accept such a move. So, he decided to bombard the outer city wall for an hour and a half.

At this point, Yang Quanwu had no reservations.

Anyway, as long as Peking was liberated, the entire Hebei Province would be liberated. So Yang Quanwu pulled out all the artillery shells in his hands. It was even more extravagant than when he attacked Tianjin.

"The People's Liberation Army is really rich now."

Listening to the rumbling of cannons from the outer city wall, Hou Jingru couldn't help but sigh.

How long does it take?

The armed forces that were repeatedly called "Tubalu" and "Communist bandits" by the Nationalist government were now able to mobilize so many troops and so many cannons.

It’s really hard to believe that this is something the People’s Liberation Army can do.

"Lao Hou, the People's Liberation Army now is no longer the Eighth Route Army. When they attacked Tianjin, they also used thousands of cannons. This time, when attacking Peking, they used even more cannons. Now on the outskirts of Peking are the First, Second, and Fifth Corps of the North China Communist Army. These were the main forces of the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei Eighth Route Army during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, which made the Japanese North China Front Army passive. Now their weapons and equipment are much better than those during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression. They can't be stopped, really can't be stopped." Huang Xiang, commander of the 92nd Army, spoke.

Hou Jingru and Huang Xiang were good friends for many years, and the 92nd Army was Hou Jingru's unit. So Huang Xiang knew about Hou Jingru's contact with the People's Liberation Army and supported him.

Huang Xiang is very clear about the current situation.

What can be done now.

Either revolt or escape by plane, there is no other way.

After all, the entire North China region was now in the hands of the People's Liberation Army, and the 92nd Army couldn't escape. Furthermore, Huang Xiang had already keenly sensed that the PLA would eventually rule the world.

If that's the case, why run away?

Huang Xiang doesn't want to leave his hometown and go abroad.

It would be better to negotiate with the People's Liberation Army.

Hou Jingru nodded.

Then he said, "The former Prime Minister once said that the general trend of the world is unstoppable. Those who follow it will prosper, and those who go against it will perish. Now the general trend of the world is becoming more and more obvious. The CCP's control over the world is a foregone conclusion. Although the old man still has a lot of troops, he is powerless to turn the tide. He deployed so many elite troops in North China and Northeast China, and now they have all been destroyed. How can he turn the tide in the future? It is even a question whether the old man can keep his position."

Hou Jingru was also not optimistic about the future of the Kuomintang.

Chiang Kai-shek had sent so many troops to North China and Northeast China, nearly half of them were equipped with American and semi-American weapons, and now none of them could escape. In addition to the American and semi-American weapons, there were also a large number of Central Army troops, all of which had to be reimbursed here.

To put it bluntly, Chiang Kai-shek was also a warlord.

After the April 12 Incident, the Kuomintang (KMT) effectively ceased to be a complete political party. Chiang Kai-shek could no longer rely on the party and government to stabilize his regime, and could only rely on his own military. The Central Army was Chiang Kai-shek's foundation.

Now that so many of the Central Army have been annihilated, it will directly shake the foundation of Chiang Kai-shek's rule.

But Li Zhongren is still watching closely over there.

Having served in the Nationalist Army for so many years, Hou Jingru understood better than anyone that factional struggles within the Nationalist Army were impossible to resolve. For example, even as the commander-in-chief of the 17th Corps, he couldn't mobilize any troops other than his own 92nd Army and the Independent 95th Division during battle. Units like the 16th and 31st Armies simply ignored his orders. How could such troops possibly win a battle?

Besides, he had deep ties to the CCP. Hou Jingru had very good relationships with many high-ranking CCP officials. He was familiar with Wu Hao and General He, having fought alongside them in previous battles. An Ziwen also had a very close personal relationship with Hou Jingru.

Therefore, Hou Jingru had no burden in his uprising.

"Commander, the 16th Army, the 31st Army, and the reorganized 42nd Division are all on the periphery. Now is a good opportunity.

Zhang Boquan, commander of the 95th Independent Division, spoke.

侯景如和张伯权是连襟，私人关系很好。张伯权之前是92军21师师长，后来调到独立95师担任师长。张伯权担任独立95师师长之后，侯景如以17兵团司令长官的名义，往独立95师塞进去大量92军的军官。逐渐的控制了独立95师。

Hou Jingru was still a little hesitant.

The reason was that there were 20 troops in the city of Beiping, but Hou Jingru's direct troops were only about .

He didn't dare to act arbitrarily.

Zhang Boquan said: "Commander, the morale of the troops in Beiping is unstable.

I have accurate information that Liao Kang, commander of the 31st Army, met privately with PLA representatives to discuss an uprising. However, this information leaked from within the 31st Army, and the Bureau of Secrets has already begun monitoring Liao Kang. Furthermore, the reorganized 42nd Division is deeply war-weary. As soon as the PLA opened fire, their frontline troops abandoned their positions and retreated. Although Chen Cheng appointed his own men as commanders of the reorganized 42nd Division, it was, after all, Sun Lianzhong's unit.

Sun Lianzhong has been captured by the People's Liberation Army, and the reorganized 42nd Division certainly doesn't want to fight. In fact, there aren't many troops within the city of Beiping willing to put up a resolute resistance. Over troops are currently defending the city from the PLA's attack. If we revolt at this time and call on the troops within the city to lay down their arms, it will definitely have a significant effect."

"I think so."

Huang Xiang nodded.

He said, "These troops in Beiping have no morale left. It's just that they don't have anyone to lead them. As long as we lead the 92nd Army and the 95th Independent Division to revolt, and then you, as the commander-in-chief of the 17th Corps, order the other troops to give up the fight, most of the troops in Beiping will inevitably follow us in the revolt. Old Hou, think about it, if you lead the 92nd Army and the 95th Independent Division in an uprising, will the effect be the same as if you lead over people in an uprising? Our status with the Communist Army is also different."

Since you have chosen to revolt.

Huang Xiang and others certainly hope to get better treatment.

The effect can be the same if you lead 50,000 people in uprising or 100,000 people in uprising.

Hou Jingru thought for a moment and said, "Okay, then let these troops fight the People's Liberation Army for two days. Once they've been hurt by the People's Liberation Army, I will call a meeting of officers from the 16th Army, the 31st Army, and the reorganized 42nd Division. Those who are willing to join me in the uprising can stay and join the uprising, and those who are not willing can leave Peking."

If we could lead the 16th Army, the 31st Army and the reorganized 42nd Division to revolt together, that would be to people. Almost the entire army in Peking would have revolted with us.