Wei Hongjun looked at Du Liqing and said, "Comrade Du Liqing, please tell us something too."

Du Liqing was the political commissar of the Public Security Corps, but he mainly held this position concurrently as the head of the Social Affairs Department and did not interfere in the daily work. However, Du Liqing was the cadre who took over the judicial departments of Peking and Tianjin, and the Public Security Corps was supposed to cooperate with him in his work.

Du Liqing said, "Then let me say a few words. Secretary Wei, when you withdraw the established troops from the Fifth Corps, I hope you can also select some experienced reconnaissance troops. At least 1000 people should be transferred to the newly established Beijing and Tianjin Public Security Bureaus. Beijing and Tianjin were once the strongholds of the Nationalist Army and are home to many espionage agencies. After we capture Beijing and Tianjin, it will be important to deal with these spies."

At the moment, I don’t have enough manpower, so I still need the army’s help.”

Wei Hongjun nodded.

North China Public Security University has only been established for a little over two years, and it has already produced a significant number of public security officials. Both the military and the police are violent institutions that the government must maintain control over.

It is impossible for the new China to retain all those old police officers.

Du Liqing is short of people.

The only way is to draw troops from the army.

"Yu Ping."

"Deputy Secretary Wei."

"When the time comes, you will cooperate with Comrade Du Liqing to draw a group of elite officers from your Public Security Corps to supplement the Public Security Management Office.

"Yes."

Du Liqing continued, "Secretary Wei, after the Public Security Column is established, you must give us power, real power. We are doing picketing work. If we really detain military cadres, what if their leaders call us?"

The officers and soldiers of the North China Field Army were all arrogant and brave.

Du Liqing was not sure that he could suppress them, and of course he did not want to offend them. Once the North China Field Army completed the Pingjin Campaign and successfully liberated Peking and Tianjin, each of these generals would have made outstanding contributions.

A true founding hero.

Back then, Yang Quanwu, Wang Zhi, and Li Zhimin had confronted Liu Huafu head-on and refused to back down. Compared to Liu Huafu, he was much lower on that level.

If their men were truly detained, what would they do if they called? Even if it wasn't a general of their rank, what if it were the current Corps leaders, like Huang Fa, Chen Kaikun, or Zhang Zihua? Forget Corps leaders, even if the column leaders called, it would be a difficult situation.

Could I refuse? Could the thousands of soldiers under me in the Public Security Column refuse?

If a conflict truly erupted between the military and the Ministry of Social Affairs, or between the military and the Public Security Column, it would be a major event. Even if the military officers were ultimately disciplined, how would their many veteran comrades, former leaders, and former subordinates react? Furthermore, the Public Security Column cadres all came from the military. They all had veteran comrades in the military. Could they truly be impartial and unbiased towards them?

Du Liqing is willing to accept her current job, but does not want to conflict with military generals.

So he informed Wei Hongjun in advance that this matter still required Wei Hongjun's intervention. Wei Hongjun thought for a moment and said, "I'll keep this in mind. I'll discuss this matter at the General Front Committee meeting and come up with a proper solution. Don't worry, since the Public Security Column has been established as a patrol unit, I will definitely give it the authority it deserves."

"Well."

Chapter 708: Division of Labor of the General Front Committee

Baoding.

The General Front Committee of the Pingjin Campaign was established here.

Wei Hongjun, Luo Qirong, Yang Quanwu, Wang Zhi and Geng Biao convened a meeting of the General Front Committee.

Wei Hongjun presided over the meeting.

To be honest, when Wei Hongjun first arrived in this time and space, he simply wanted to establish a base behind enemy lines. He never imagined he'd one day be in this position. After all, this was the Battle of Peiping-Tianjin, and historically, the General Front Committee consisted of Marshals Lin, Nie, and Luo. But now, he'd become the General Front Committee Secretary for the Peiping-Tianjin Campaign. Even veteran leaders like Luo Qirong and Yang Quanwu were now working with him.

However, since he has reached this position, Wei Hongjun has no choice but to take on the responsibility.

"The General Front Committee has been established, and the Battle of Peiping-Tianjin has entered the countdown. We are meeting today, and I would like to first determine the scope of everyone's work. First, my suggestion is to establish a front-line command headquarters for the Peiping-Tianjin Campaign, with Comrade Yang Quanwu as commander of the Peiping-Tianjin Campaign, Comrade Wang Zhi as political commissar, and Comrade Geng Biao as deputy commander and chief of staff. They will have full command of the 12st, 13nd, 14th, and th Corps, the th, th, and th columns, as well as the local armed forces, and will be responsible for the battles on the front lines. Comrade Luo Qirong, what do you think?"

"I agree."

Luo Qirong nodded.

During this period, Wei Hongjun handled the daily work of the North China Military Region headquarters, while Luo Qirong was responsible for the daily work of the military region's political department. This time, they were partners again in charge of the Pingjin Campaign.

The two of them had a discussion on the way here.

Although the General Front Committee was established, it couldn't directly command the battle. The General Front Committee was responsible for overarching tasks, from coordinating the various units and military regions to ensuring logistics and ultimately taking over Beijing and Tianjin. This included liaison with the Central Military Commission and the North China Bureau. Therefore, the General Front Committee couldn't personally command the battle on the front lines. Fighting wasn't Wei Hongjun and Luo Qirong's primary responsibility; they were more involved in the field. Therefore, Wei Hongjun proposed that Yang Quanwu assume full responsibility for military command of the Pingjin Campaign, and Luo Qirong agreed.

Wei Hongjun looked at Yang Quanwu, who nodded. So Wei Hongjun said, "That's settled. The Pingjin Campaign involves over 70 troops, and logistics are paramount. My suggestion is to establish a Pingjin Campaign Logistics Committee, with Comrade Zhao Lu as its director, and Comrades Li Zhimin, Li Fangqi, and Lei Jiabin as deputy directors. Comrade Li Zhimin will be responsible for logistics in Jizhong, Comrade Li Fangqi for logistics in Yidong, and Comrade Lei Jiabin for logistics in Yirecha."

"I agree."

"support."

Everyone nodded.

So many troops fighting require a lot of logistical supplies. How to raise so many supplies, how to transport ammunition to the front-line troops, and how to mobilize so many people to participate in logistical transportation work are very trivial but very important matters.

Zhao Lu is currently the head of the Logistics Department of the entire North China Military Region. Among the personnel adjustments, Yang Quanwu has been removed from his position as Commander and Political Commissar of the Hebei-Central Military Region. Li Zhimin has replaced him as Commander and Political Commissar of the Hebei-Central Military Region, overseeing its daily operations. Li Fangqi currently oversees operations in the Hebei-East region, and Lei Jiabin has just taken on the role of Commander of the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region.

"Comrade Yang Quanwu has been at the front line, and we would like to hear about the current situation there first.

Yang Quanwu nodded to Geng Biao.

Geng Biao immediately said, "Currently, the enemy's forces in Hebei are divided into two groups, Peking and Tianjin. The Peking forces are primarily led by Hou Jingru, commander of the 17th Corps and also the Peking Defense Commander. The Tianjin forces are led by Li Jue, commander of the 17th Corps, who serves as the Tianjin-Tangshan Defense Commander. Of course, in addition to the 9th and 23th Corps, Peking and Tianjin also have other forces. They also have other Nationalist generals commanding them, but currently, the primary commanders in Peking and Tianjin are these two. Peking currently has approximately 16 troops, while Tianjin has . Both cities also have a significant number of local security groups, police, and other armed forces."

Yang Quanwu and Geng Biao started planning early.

Both of them even went to the front line to observe the terrain.

Combined with the Nationalist Army's defense map provided by the underground party, the troops quickly formulated an offensive plan. Yang Quanwu was also very confident. Since the annihilation of the Sun Lianzhong and Pang Bingxun factions, the Third Army, and some Central Army units in between, the First and Second Corps had significantly improved their weaponry.

Even the newly formed Sixth Corps had weapons and equipment that were no less advanced.

As for the Fifth Corps, there is no need to mention it.

Not only did they annihilate the main force of Fu Zuoyi's army, but after entering Rehe, they also annihilated two divisions of the Central Army. Moving southward into Langfang, they annihilated four regiments of the Central Army. There were 11 American howitzers alone, and 27 Japanese howitzers. The Fifth Corps currently possessed 38 howitzers of various types. Including mountain and field artillery, the total number was over 600.

Because of the sheer volume of artillery at their disposal, the Fifth Corps even established a dedicated artillery column directly under the corps. Wei Hongjun transferred Gao Cunxin, the Dean of the Artillery Academy from the North China Military and Political University, to command the Fifth Corps' artillery column. Wei Hongjun also retained any artillery officers and soldiers who could be retained from Fu Zuoyi's forces and the annihilated Central Army units. These specialized arms were absolutely the most in short supply in the PLA.

More than 500 of the Type cannons, the most common type equipped by the National Army, were seized.

There were more than 5000 light and heavy machine guns and more than 4000 submachine guns. It was precisely because the weapons and equipment of the First, Second, and Fifth Corps were good enough that Yang Quanwu was so confident about the Pingjin Campaign.

"What is the composition of the troops in Tianjin?"

The 13th Army retreated from Rehe to Tianjin. Together with the Northeast Army's 53rd Army, the existing 94th Army, and the main forces of the 87th Army, they were all in Tianjin. However, the 13th and 94th Armies were attacked by the Northeast Field Army in Rehe and eastern Hebei, losing over men. Besides these troops, there were a few other scattered units, but none of them were a threat.

The main force of the National Army in Tianjin consists of four armies.

Still very powerful.

The 13th Army, Tang Enbo's founding unit, was particularly noteworthy, as it was a member of the Nationalist Army's elite. The 53rd Army of the Northeastern Army, while a member of the Northeastern Army, was nonetheless an elite unit of the Nationalist Army. It was also the only unit of the Expeditionary Force to originate from a local warlord. Although they had suffered setbacks in Rehe and eastern Hebei, they retained considerable combat effectiveness.

Luo Qirong interjected, "We've already begun contacting Hou Jingru, the commander-in-chief of the Beiping defense, hoping to persuade him to revolt. We've been working on this for some time, and it's going relatively smoothly. Hou Jingru is also interested in leading his troops in the revolt. However, there are currently too many troops in Beiping, and within the 17th Corps there are also a number of Central Army troops loyal to Chiang Kai-shek. So we need to continue our work."

Hou Jingru's history is complicated.

A first-term Whampoa Military Academy student, he joined the Communist Party while still in school. Under the leadership of Comrade Wu Hao, he organized and commanded the Third Shanghai Workers' Uprising and later participated in the Nanchang Uprising. At the time of the Nanchang Uprising, he was the head of the 17th Army Training Corps under General He, a high-ranking figure among the Whampoa students who participated. After the Nanchang Uprising's troops were disbanded, he could not find the Party organization and joined the Nationalist Army. He was highly regarded in the Nationalist Army and rose through the ranks, eventually reaching the positions of Commander-in-Chief of the th Corps and the Peking Garrison.

But his relationship with the CCP has never been severed.

We've been in touch.

This was the case now. The North China Military Region had been in frequent contact with him, and even Wu Hao and General He had written to him personally, hoping that he would lead his troops in an uprising. Hou Jingru had also made it clear that he was willing to revolt.

It’s just that the current situation in Beijing is complicated.

The Kuomintang's secret services were in disarray, and there were still a large number of Central Army troops loyal to Chiang Kai-shek. Therefore, Hou Jingru hoped that the People's Liberation Army could pin down these other Central Army troops. To complete the uprising, Hou Jingru sent the troops he could not control to the vicinity of Beijing, putting them in direct contact with the PLA. He placed his own 92nd Army and the Independent 95th Division in the core area of ​​Peking.

Preparations for an uprising were ongoing.

There is only one step left.

That meant the PLA would march in force, pinning down the outlying Nationalist troops. If Hou Jingru chose to revolt, these troops would be left with no other options. This task was the responsibility of Luo Qirong, Deputy Political Commissar of the North China Military Region, and Liu Ren, currently serving as Director of the Urban Work Department and Director of the Enemy Work Department of the North China Bureau.

After hearing Luo Qirong's words, Yang Quanwu was very happy.

If Hou Jingru could revolt, the Battle of Pingjin would be much easier to conduct. After all, although Hou Jingru could not fully control the 17th Corps, he had the 92nd Army and the independent 95th Division in Beiping. Moreover, Hou Jingru currently commanded the Beiping troops and had many ways to pressure other troops.

He said: "If Hou Jingru has the idea of ​​revolting, then our Pingjin Campaign should start with Tianjin and then Beiping. We should first take Tianjin and shock the enemy forces in Beiping. Then we will attack Beiping, putting more pressure on the enemy forces in Beiping and giving Hou Jingru an opportunity to revolt.

Luo Qirong smiled and said, "I haven't finished speaking yet. In addition to Hou Jingru, we have also been working with the 53rd Army of the Northeast Army. The current work is very effective."

"53th Army?"

"right.

"it is good."

Yang Quanwu was very satisfied with the work of the Urban Work Department and the Enemy Work Department.

Yang Quanwu was already very confident about the Pingjin Campaign, and now with the cooperation of the Urban Work Department and the Enemy Work Department, the Pingjin Campaign was even more of a sure thing. As the PLA grew stronger, the work of the Urban Work Department and the Enemy Work Department became increasingly smooth. For example, when the Northeastern Army's 53rd Army first engaged them, they were still hesitant. But now, the PLA in Northeast and North China holds an absolute advantage, and the majority of PLA officers are from the Northeastern Army. Many of these officers also have close personal connections with the 53rd Army's officers. Therefore, working with the 53rd Army is becoming increasingly easier.

Therefore, the current situation is becoming increasingly favorable for the People's Liberation Army.

Wei Hongjun said, "The Central Committee has ordered us to attack Peking. We hope that this ancient capital will not be destroyed. Therefore, I agree with Comrade Yang Quanwu's idea. We should attack Tianjin first and then Peking. Concentrate our forces to annihilate the enemy defending Tianjin and slow down the enemy defending Peking. This will help Hou Jingru lead his troops in the uprising. Comrade Yang Quanwu, if we attack Tianjin first, what arrangements will you make?"

"Leave the Second and Sixth Corps, as well as other local troops, around Peking to encircle it and prevent the enemy troops there from leaving the city to interfere with the Battle of Tianjin. The First, Fifth, 12th, 13th, and 14th Corps will attack Tianjin. I will go to Tianjin in person.

Yang Quanwu spoke.

Wei Hongjun nodded.

"There's one more thing. It's about the Public Security Column. One of its important tasks is patrolling. All troops entering Peking and Tianjin must cooperate with the Public Security Column's patrol work. I'd like to issue a notice in the name of the General Front Committee to all troops and units taking over, demanding their cooperation. No one is allowed to interfere with the Public Security Column's patrol work."

“We all support this.”

Yang Quanwu nodded.

Dadadao: "The troops are all mindful of the Three Disciplines and Eight Points of Attention. We will definitely not make mistakes."

"I agree that the General Front Committee should issue documents in this regard."

Wei Hongjun nodded and said, "That's settled. Comrade Luo Qirong and I will be in charge of the headquarters. I will be responsible for the overall situation, and Comrade Luo Qirong will be responsible for the uprising of Hou Jingru and the 53rd Army of the Northeast Army. Comrades Yang Quanwu, Wang Zhi, and Geng Biao will go to Tianjin to command the Tianjin Campaign. There can be no hesitation in attacking Tianjin. Once we start, we must take it swiftly."

Only in this way can we truly intimidate the enemy forces in Peking.

"clear."

After the Standing Committee meeting of the General Front Committee of the Pingjin Campaign ended, Wei Hongjun convened a meeting of political cadres of the entire army for the Pingjin Campaign.

Aside from Wei Hongjun and Wang Zhi, all of them were political officers from various corps, columns, and brigades. Among these political officers, some were very familiar to Wei Hongjun, veterans of his time. He also knew quite a few, many of whom were old comrades. They had all fought together in the 1st Red Army Division. Some, however, were not members of the 1st Red Army Division, but they had all fought together, so they all knew each other.

Of course, there were also some political cadres that Wei Hongjun met for the first time.

Because they were cadres from Shanxi, Hebei, Shandong, and Henan provinces, mainly from Hebei, Shandong, and Henan, and southern Hebei.

Wei Hongjun also used this meeting to get to know them.

"Comrades, the Battle of Peiping-Tianjin is about to begin. The reason I have called everyone to a meeting at this moment is because there are many things that need to be resolved before the Battle of Peiping-Tianjin begins. From a military perspective, although the Nationalist army still has a large number of troops, we have an absolute advantage in overall strategy. So now for us political cadres, in addition to conducting the Battle of Peiping-Tianjin, there is another very important matter: what should we do after we capture Peking and Tianjin?

Wei Hongjun summoned all the political cadres of the front-line troops in the Pingjin Campaign to prepare for entering the city.

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