Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

"Afterwards, I listened carefully to his report and felt that what he said made some sense. So I didn't stop him.

"Comrade Luo Weilin is still in Huailai?"

"Yes. Currently, the land reform work in the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region is proceeding smoothly. Most counties have preliminarily completed the land reform, and the various land reform teams are now reviewing the process to see if there are any problems. Only Huailai's land reform work is still ongoing."

"Send a telegram to Huailai County and tell them to have Comrade Luo Weilin come to Zhangjiakou by train. I want to hear his report in person.

"Yes."

Wei Hongjun suddenly became very interested in Luo Weilin.

There are joys and sorrows.

Fortunately, Luo Weilin wasn't a blind follower; he had his own independent vision. Such cadres are extremely rare and valuable in this era. Honestly, after the Shengxian Experience was recognized by the central government, who would dare to question it? Not to mention Luo Weilin, the leader of the taxi reform team responsible for an entire county; even taxi reform officials several levels higher than him wouldn't dare to do so. The Shengxian Experience was a successful one, recognized and supported by the central government. To question it was not only questioning the central government's spirit, but also challenging Wei Hongjun, the founder of the Shengxian Experience. This would be a serious offense to Wei Hongjun and the cadres who worked with him to implement the Shengxian Experience.

Luo Weilin, the man in charge of land reform in Huailai County, actually said something like this. And it made perfect sense. The Shengxian experience is valuable, but that doesn't mean it's universally applicable.

After all, the situation in each place is different.

But there is nothing that can be done if many people copy Sheng County’s experience.

The grassroots cadres of the Communist Party of China have strong organizational skills and are passionate about revolution.

But in terms of ability, there are still many shortcomings.

Leaving them to understand and implement policies on their own can lead to numerous problems. This is because they don't actually understand or comprehend many policies. While higher-ups hope to mobilize grassroots cadres' initiative, once they are left to interpret and implement central policies, chaos can easily result. Therefore, grassroots cadres who are capable of understanding and grasping the spirit of policies are highly needed.

But Wei Hongjun was not without worries.

There are concerns that Luo Weilin is a stubborn cadre. In particular, there are concerns that he is a self-righteous cadre. Such cadres acting according to their own ideas can easily lead to problems.

However, Wei Hongjun trusts Li Shaocheng more.

Li Shaocheng was a very steady cadre. Since he felt it was worth a look, it showed that Luo Weilin's statement had some truth. Wei Hongjun actually knew Luo Weilin.

Luo Weilin was a teacher at Shengxian Middle School and graduated from Shanxi Provincial National Normal School. He later joined Yang Yonghui's Caoyangzhuang guerrillas.

When Wei Hongjun opened a rural training school in Sheng County to train cadres to reduce rent and interest, Luo Weilin was among the first batch of cadres.

His work has always been quite standard.

He didn't excel in the rent and interest reduction efforts. He wasn't a particularly active cadre. Compared to Chen Tao, he joined the rural work later. However, due to his outstanding performance, Wei Hongjun assigned him to Sheng County to oversee land reform. Because Sheng County's experience was recognized by the Central Committee, Wei Hongjun was promoted to Deputy Secretary of the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Bureau, taking overall responsibility for land reform in the region.

Even cadres like Li Shaocheng and Chen Tao who were directly involved in the land reform in Sheng County were promoted one after another, accumulating praise for their political achievements and rapidly improving their status within the Party.

I didn't expect Luo Weilin to perform like this this time.

Because the Jin-Cha-Ji region controlled the Ping-Sui Railway, Luo Weilin arrived in Zhangjiakou that same day. Luo Weilin was three years older than Wei Hongjun, turning thirty-four this year. He looked exhausted, his face thinning. Wei Hongjun knew from his appearance that his land reform work in Huailai must have involved personally visiting the countryside, not just one but two villages. That's why he'd lost so much weight.

"Secretary Wei."

"Comrade Luo Weilin, work is important, but so is your health. You can't let yourself get exhausted."

Cadres like Luo Weilin are the party’s valuable assets.

Wei Hongjun didn't want them to overdraw their bodies. When the People's Republic of China was founded and built, young cadres like Luo Weilin who understood the countryside and were willing to work in it were greatly needed.

"Yes."

"Comrade Luo Weilin, I've recently received quite a few letters complaining about you. They all accuse you of violating the Shengxian experience and creating your own set of standards for land reform. Many believe you're violating the central government's strategic judgment that the current land reform is in its early stages. Do you have anything to say?"

"Secretary Wei, I strongly agree that we are currently in the primary stage of land reform. I have some original ideas in Huailai, but I have not violated the central government's spirit of land reform, nor the spirit of Shengxian's experience. I have always strictly adhered to the land reform program for the primary stage of land reform and have never deviated from it. I have simply made some minor adjustments to the land reform policy based on this foundation and the actual situation in Huailai.

Wei Hongjun hadn't noticed it before.

Luo Weilin is really a jerk.

The Shengxian Experience was personally initiated by Wei Hongjun, and cadres such as Li Shaocheng and Chen Tao went to Shengxian to complete it. It can be said that the Shengxian Experience is the political achievement of this group of rural cadres in the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Liberated Area, led by Wei Hongjun, and it is a source of honor for everyone.

The success of the Shengxian experience not only accrued political capital for Wei Hongjun, Li Shaocheng, and Chen Tao, the direct leaders of the reform. It also benefited all the cadres involved in the land reform in the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar region. After all, Wei Hongjun was the head of the land reform in the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei region. As Wei Hongjun's rank rose, along with Li Shaocheng and Chen Tao's, all of them, as cadres involved in the land reform effort, had sufficient political achievements to merit promotion.

However, Luo Weilin, a cadre participating in the land reform in the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region, did not fully follow the Shengxian experience. This made him a public enemy of the Jin-Cha-Ji Land Reform Department. No wonder so many letters of denunciation came to Wei Hongjun.

Luo Weilin actually dared to say this in front of Wei Hongjun. Wei Hongjun was not angry, but his face was very serious.

He said, "Comrade Luo Weilin, what's so special about the actual situation in Huailai? I'd like to hear your explanation."

It would be a lie if Luo Weilin said he wasn't nervous.

If Wei Hongjun flew into a rage and thought that he was denying his experience in Sheng County, Luo Weilin knew that he would lose his position, not to mention the land reform work in Huailai.

Wei Hongjun is currently in Jin-Cha-Ji, and he is a very popular figure.

His land reform work had been recognized by the Central Committee, and he was also the Deputy Secretary of the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Bureau, having just won a major victory. It could be said that within the Yi-Re-Cha Military Region, and even within the Jin-Cha-Ji Military Region, a cadre of his rank could be dismissed with a single word from Wei Hongjun.

But Luo Weilin is a man with ideas in his mind.

Furthermore, when Luo Weilin began working in the countryside, it was Wei Hongjun who personally taught him. He was one of Wei Hongjun's first students at the Shengxian Rural Training Institute. Therefore, in Luo Weilin's heart, Wei Hongjun was his teacher and his revolutionary leader.

So he was willing to take the risk.

Luo Weilin said: "Secretary Wei, the Shengxian experience is a very successful one. Currently, it is basically applicable to most areas.

Huailai is actually well-suited to directly copying the Shengxian experience. Land reform would have encountered no problems. While I've never denied the Shengxian experience in Huailai, I've found some issues that must be addressed. These issues aren't addressed in the Shengxian experience, so I've simply supplemented them.

"Talk about it."

"Secretary Wei, Shengxian and Huailai were both former bases of our Eighth Column, but there are many differences between the two bases. Although there have been battles in the Shengxian base since we took it, the fighting has been infrequent overall. But Huailai is different. It has always been a tug-of-war between the Chanan Detachment and the Mongolian Army. Therefore, there are many differences between here and Shengxian.

When talking about work, Luo Weilin forgot about other things.

He only talks about work.

"First of all, it's difficult to classify the rich peasants and landlords in Huailai. Since we took Sheng County early on, it was relatively simple to classify the rich peasants and landlords. But many of the rich peasants and landlords in Huailai are actually fence-sitters. Historically, they helped our Eighth Route Army and supported our work to reduce rent and interest. But at the same time, when the Japanese came, they also worked for the Japanese. Their histories are very complicated. We can't classify them in a few words. So I spent more time on this aspect. Some rich peasants and landlords supported our Eighth Route Army more, and they cooperated with the Japanese out of necessity, and they also interacted with us secretly. But some landlords, although they supported us, also did things that harmed the base when they followed the Japanese. I think it would be incorrect to arbitrarily classify them.

This situation exists in many bases.

The history of rich peasants and landlords is complex. For example, some landlords claimed to have supported the Eighth Route Army in its anti-Japanese war and secretly passed information to the Eighth Route Army. However, a deeper investigation reveals that these landlords also committed crimes.

How to characterize them? How to treat them? Including how to determine their status politically and economically, this is a great test of the wisdom of grassroots cadres. So Wei Hongjun nodded, but still said very seriously: "It is necessary to investigate the historical situation and establish a detailed historical archive. When we were fighting the Japanese, some landlords worked for the Japanese, but they secretly supported us. For these rich peasant landlords, you must find people with sufficient evidence to prove their history. Their contributions cannot be buried. But for some landlords who have committed evil deeds, even if they have supported us and helped us, we still have to settle accounts with their crimes. In this regard, we cannot let them off the hook just because they have had friendships with some of our troops and cadres. It is right to be cautious in this regard, but we cannot let go of those rich peasant landlords who have committed evil deeds just because of our feelings. I hope you can remember this.

"Yes."

Luo Weilin continued, "But this isn't the most critical issue. I've visited every rural area, and the biggest problem after land reform is the widows, children, and elderly who have lost their family breadwinners. Because Huailai is an old base area, there are many military families and families of martyrs. Of course, during the tug-of-war between our troops and the Japanese and puppet troops in Huailai, the young and middle-aged people also suffered heavy losses. This resulted in a large number of widows, children, and elderly people who have lost their strong labor force in many rural areas of Huailai. This is the real problem."

Chapter 682 Small Group 2

"Widows, children, old people?"

Wei Hongjun nodded.

In troubled times, human life is the cheapest. That's why there's a saying that goes, "In troubled times, human life is worth less than a dog's." In troubled times, human life is the least valuable thing. It's not just generals like Wei Hongjun, who have been in the army for seventeen or eighteen years, who are accustomed to seeing and adapting to death. Even many ordinary people have become accustomed to it. People these days don't make a fuss over a few deaths; death is simply too common.

When fleeing famine, the most vulnerable are the elderly, the weak, and the young. Their bodies can't withstand the hardships of the journey. Even if they do encounter food and drink, they can't compete with the young and strong. Yet, in wartime, it's the young and strong who suffer the most.

When the young and middle-aged die, they leave behind the elderly, the weak, women and children, who then become vulnerable groups. The reason why rural China has always favored sons over daughters is not only due to inherent traditions, but also due to practical considerations.

Families lacking young and middle-aged supporters are not only bullied in rural areas, but also struggle to do farm work. Farming requires young and middle-aged people to do the hard work. Without young and middle-aged supporters, how can farm work continue?

After the implementation of the land contract responsibility system in New China in the 1980s, this type of people faced the most difficulties in rural areas.

During the war years, a large number of young and middle-aged people died. This was unavoidable and unavoidable. Especially in the Eighth Route Army base areas, in addition to the families of martyrs, many young and middle-aged people also died in many civilian families. Some died while serving in the Eighth Route Army's logistics, and many were captured by the Japanese as laborers and never returned. Luo Weilin continued: "After the land reform, the countryside was divided into different parts. Dividing the land was a good thing for the farmers. After all, it was an important practice of 'those who till the land own the land.' But what about these old, weak, women and mothers who have lost their family's strong labor force? Can they farm on their own? What's the point of dividing the land for them?"

Wei Hongjun's expression became solemn.

Listening quietly to Luo Weilin's words, Luo Weilin saw that Wei Hongjun didn't interrupt, so he could only continue: "In addition to these problems, there is another serious problem in the countryside. The lack of farm tools and oxen are major problems that restrict the current development of rural agriculture. Although many poor peasants have been allocated land, it is still very difficult for them to cultivate the land themselves. Because they don't have oxen or farm tools, even if they are allocated land, they still have difficulties in farming. If these problems are not solved, then what will those poor peasants do even if they are allocated land?"

"So you divided up the property of the rich peasants and landlords as well?"

This is the biggest criticism Luo Weilin has received.

This land reform was only a reform of farmland. That is why it is said to be in its early stages. The attitude towards the personal property of rich peasants and landlords, other than farmland, is to protect them.

But Luo Weilin was different in Huailai.

He also divided up the personal property of rich peasants and landlords as part of this land reform.

Huailai is an old base.

Many cadres in the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region, and even many in the current Jin-Cha-Ji government agencies, came from Huailai. Luo Weilin's actions in Huailai, when he seized the personal property of rich peasants and landlords, naturally offended them. Wei Hongjun was fighting on the front lines at the time, so a letter of complaint reached Li Shaocheng. However, Li Shaocheng failed to address the matter, so the complaint reached Wei Hongjun again.

Luo Weilin nodded.

"Secretary Wei, I would like to ask what is the difference between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat?

"In the broadest sense, it's about control over the means of production."

"That's right. Everyone agrees that land is a means of production in rural areas. So, are oxen and farm tools in rural areas also means of production? Why is this land reform limited to arable land? It doesn't involve anything else. I think there's a problem here. Right now, oxen and farm tools in rural areas are concentrated in the hands of rich peasants and landlords. If we don't distribute their oxen and farm tools, then even poor and hired peasants will have trouble farming. But I've always adhered to the central government's directives and haven't divided up any other property belonging to the rich peasants or landlords. I've only distributed their oxen and farm tools."

Wei Hongjun nodded.

What Luo Weilin said makes a lot of sense.

This is especially true regarding the statement about rural means of production. In rural areas, land is a means of production, and this is the consensus of the entire Party in rural work.

However, in rural areas, oxen and farm tools are also considered means of production.

For the vast majority of poor peasants, not to mention large assets like oxen, even the most basic means of production, such as farm tools, were nonexistent. Since this was land reform, these considerations naturally had to be taken into account.

Although Wei Hongjun agreed with Luo Weilin's argument, he quickly asked, "Rural issues are most likely to lead to extreme conflict. When you tried to divide up the oxen and farm tools between the rich peasants and landlords, didn't something even more serious arise? Didn't the poor peasants and hired farmhands in the Rural Work Group even propose directly dividing up the personal property of the rich peasants and landlords? Once something like this starts, it's not easy to stop it."

"some."

"How did you handle it?"

"I summoned the cadres of the land reform work team and local rural cadres and reiterated the policy to them. I asked them to grasp the policy and do the work of the rural work team. They must not allow the rural work team to become extreme. The rural work team only has the power to supervise our land reform policy, not the power to directly lead the land reform. To ensure this, I went to the countryside every day to visit various villages.

Wei Hongjun frowned.

Rural work is particularly prone to extremes. Especially among poor peasants who had just gained some power, they were bound to want revenge. This was the class contradiction of that era. This is something that later generations find difficult to understand. They think class revenge is too bloody and excessive. But what they don't understand is that it is precisely because of long-term oppression and exploitation that such things can happen. As the saying goes, the greater the oppression, the stronger the resistance.

Therefore, this kind of retaliation could easily be escalated. The bully landlords who deserved to be punished should be punished, but some rich peasants and landlords could not be punished together with the bully landlords. This was because many of them had supported the revolution, and more importantly, many of their family members were in the army.

This can easily lead to conflict.

Especially now that the war is still going on, grassroots cadres need to grasp the right balance. Although such extreme actions are unavoidable, it is necessary to mitigate them to the greatest extent possible.

"Is this the solution?"

Wei Hongjun didn't quite believe it.

It's not like Wei Hongjun hasn't done rural work before. Many things, once started, can't be stopped just because you want to. Luo Weilin shook his head and said, "In addition to having the land reform work team and Huailai rural cadres implement policies for me, I also set up a mutual aid group."

"Yes, that's it. What other mutual aid groups did you set up in Huailai?"

"Yes."

When talking about this, Luo Weilin was very excited.