Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Rather, Li Shaocheng has always been Wei Hongjun's right-hand man in the local area.

Although Wei Hongjun had always been the top leader of the base area, he was a military cadre after all. He must have devoted more of his energy to the military.

Therefore, it is imperative to promote some capable cadres to manage local affairs.

Duan Chengwei had always been in charge of local Party affairs, including organizational work. However, because of his outstanding performance during the Rectification Movement in Hebei, Rehe, and Chahar, Ren Peiguo transferred Duan Chengwei to Yan'an to work in the Organization Department. After Duan Chengwei joined the Central Committee, Han Kaiming took charge of Party affairs in Hebei, Rehe, and Chahar.

As for local daily work, especially rural work, Li Shaocheng has always been in charge.

Very well done.

Although there were many problems during the process, especially during the rent and interest reduction work in Rehe, these did not affect Wei Hongjun's appreciation for Li Shaocheng's work ability.

After all, problems occurred in every base area of ​​the Eighth Route Army's rural work.

The things that Li Shaocheng encountered were very common.

Not afraid of problems, with such experience, Li Shaocheng has become more and more mature.

Including the land reform work in Sheng County this time. After Wei Hongjun held a land work conference at the beginning of the year, Li Shaocheng was in charge of the preliminary work of land reform in the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar base area.

A good man makes a good team of three.

Wei Hongjun was now in charge of the land reform work in the entire Jin-Cha-Ji region, and he was certainly willing to work with cadres he was familiar with and understood. After taking charge of the land reform work, Wei Hongjun was not as anxious as one might imagine. He first convened a land reform work meeting in Sheng County.

Call a meeting with rural cadres from all regions, especially those in the Jizhong, Jilu, and Yanbei Liberated Areas, to unify their thinking. Also discuss with these cadres the experience of land reform in Sheng County. In a region as vast as Jin-Cha-Ji, implementing land reform would require the involvement of existing rural cadres. Relying on external cadres to accomplish land reform would be impossible.

The main force of land reform is still these original rural cadres.

Therefore, Wei Hongjun had to unify everyone's thinking and give them an untouchable program for land reform. After the experiment of land reform in Sheng County, Wei Hongjun had greater confidence in land reform in Jinchayi.

As long as the overall program is determined.

Even if there are some problems during the implementation process, there will not be too serious deviations. Adjustments can be made at any time.

What is the overall program?

That is the land reform of the New Democratic stage, the primary stage of land reform. The middle peasants will be protected and not involved in the land reform. Meanwhile, the policy towards the rich peasants and landlords should be determined based on their history, their attitude towards the War of Resistance, and their current attitude towards land reform.

Regarding the policy on rich peasants and landlords, local rural cadres first compiled a dossier. Then, they formed a "Rural Work Group" in the countryside to verify this list. If one-third of the members of the Rural Work Group found something problematic, they could report it to the land reform work team sent from above.

That’s the general policy.

Of course, there are still many things that need to be adjusted. Rural work requires meticulousness and cannot be carried out blindly.

"Comrades, land reform is a groundbreaking undertaking. For thousands of years, many people in our country have dreamed of a society where 'land to the tiller' has its own land.' But to this day, no regime has ever accomplished this. Now we, the Communist Party of China, must fulfill this centuries-old dream of the Chinese people. Precisely because this is a very important undertaking, it is also a first."

So we have to be extremely careful.”

The work meeting lasted for three consecutive days.

At the meeting, Wei Hongjun asked Chen Tao, who was in charge of the land reform in Sheng County, to give everyone a detailed introduction to the experience of the land reform in Sheng County.

Let everyone know.

When the meeting ended, Wei Hongjun gave a summary.

He continued, "We would rather our work be slow, but there cannot be chaos. I come from a military background, so I understand better than anyone that if we fail to conduct a thorough investigation before a battle, the consequences will be defeat and loss of life. The same is true for land reform. Before we implement the land reform, we must make thorough preparations. In particular, we must have the most complete statistics on the local land, rich peasants and landlords. Only then can we implement the land reform. I know that the land reform work in many other liberated areas is going on like wildfire and progressing relatively quickly. Everyone may be worried. They are worried that our Jin-Cha-Ji base will lag behind other bases. But I still say that since I am in charge of the land reform work in Jin-Cha-Ji, I cannot allow unprepared land reform. I cannot let our Jin-Cha-Ji land reform lead to another incident like Pingshan County. Is everyone clear?"

"Yes."

Wei Hongjun had high hopes for this land reform team in Jin-Cha-Ji.

Wei Hongjun not only hoped that they would do well in the land reform in Jin-Cha-Ji, but also that they would be able to go to other parts of the country in the future. This was because in addition to the old liberated areas, there would be a large number of new liberated areas that would also need land reform.

Wei Hongjun hoped that during this land reform, they would learn to conduct investigations and research, and learn to deal with problems more pragmatically, so that they would be able to do a good job in rural work when they went to the newly liberated areas.

While Wei Hongjun devoted himself to land reform, the domestic situation continued to deteriorate.

The fighting in Northeast China is becoming more and more intense.

After the Northeast Bureau agreed to Deng Guo's proposal, and the Central Committee also agreed, it used this time to begin evacuating a large number of Shenyang factories and workers. Many Shenyang factory workers retreated, using the railway to reach Changchun. With the evacuation of Shenyang's factories, Changchun quickly became the largest industrial city in Northeast China, and indeed in China.

It's not just Shenyang.

Factories in surrounding areas like Benxi, Fushun, and Anshan also underwent large-scale evacuations. This was a period of rapid development that demonstrated the CCP's organizational prowess. Although the CCP lacked urban cadres in Northeast China, it was adept at organizing workers' movements.

After Du Yuming and his troops captured Jinzhou, the troops dispersed to occupy various cities, but they generally advanced towards Shenyang, leading to the Battle of Shenyang. Deng Guo fought the Nationalist troops in Shenyang for over twenty days before ultimately withdrawing.

Shenyang, the largest city in Northeast China, fell into the hands of the Nationalist army.

But Du Yuming was not happy at all.

Because it's too difficult.

It had been more than half a year since the Nationalist troops landed in Qinhuangdao and launched the First Battle of Shanhaiguan. During that time, Du Yuming had concentrated half of the Nationalist troops, currently equipped with American weapons, and had just captured Shenyang.

But what?

The main force of the Eighth Route Army in the Northeast has already built a defense line in Siping.

Du Yuming understood that if he wanted to control the Northeast, he had to continue his campaign northward. Only by controlling the two major cities of Changchun and Harbin could he truly control the Northeast. However, the resistance along the way was too great.

From Shanhaiguan to Jinzhou and Shenyang, Du Yuming was deeply impressed by the combat effectiveness of the Eighth Route Army.

The Nationalist troops, equipped with American and semi-American weapons, and Chiang Kai-shek dispatching a large number of aircraft and tanks, finally took Shenyang. However, the Nationalist troops suffered heavy casualties in the process.

Although the Nationalist troops had been recruiting soldiers, reorganizing other troops, and expanding their forces along the way, Du Yuming knew that the combat effectiveness of the Nationalist troops entering the Northeast was constantly declining.

Moreover, it is impossible for Chiang Kai-shek to continue to send so many aircraft to support the Northeast National Army. Once fighting breaks out in the interior, Chiang Kai-shek's support for the Northeast National Army will also decline.

Du Yuming was further frustrated by the fact that, ever since the Nationalist troops entered Shenyang, they had been scrambling to seize territory. The nine armies that had entered Northeast China were all top-tier Nationalist troops, but after entering a major city like Shenyang, they quickly became corrupt and decadent. Once a unit begins to indulge itself, its combat effectiveness inevitably declines rapidly, as officers and soldiers lack the will to fight.

Not only the Nationalist army, but also the Kuomintang secret service and local government officials arrived in Shenyang one after another. After arriving in Shenyang, everyone wanted to make a fortune. Clashes between the military, police, and secret service were frequent.

Internal reshuffling also began to occur among the elite Nationalist troops in Northeast China. Du Yuming was a direct descendant of the Whampoa Military Academy, and the troops entering Northeast China were primarily from the Central Army. However, there were also miscellaneous units within the Nationalist troops in Northeast China, such as the 60th and 93rd Armies of the Yunnan Army, and the 53rd Army of the Northeast Army. Although these were all elite Nationalist troops, equipped with American and semi-American weapons, they were marginalized by the Central Army after arriving in Northeast China.

The most typical example is the 60th Army of the Yunnan Army.

Shortly after entering Northeast China, Du Yuming split up the 60th Yunnan Army. The 60th Yunnan Army consisted of three divisions, and Du Yuming separated them and assigned them to fight alongside other Central Army units. As a result, the headquarters of the 60th Yunnan Army was left without a single soldier. Finally, after much difficulty, they secured a division. So, while the 60th Yunnan Army was now a corps, the headquarters could only command one of the divisions, with the other two under the command of other Central Army units. Furthermore, the divisions of the 60th Yunnan Army were used as cannon fodder in every battle.

Therefore, internal conflicts are also serious.

The 60th and 93rd Armies of the Yunnan Army and the 53rd Army of the Northeast Army were very dissatisfied with the Central Army and Du Yuming. In order to win over these miscellaneous armies, the Northeast Bureau began to work on them.

The CCP has a great advantage in this regard.

Needless to say, the Yunnan Army's commander-in-chief was a veteran of the Yunnan Army, and the PLA was in no short supply of cadres from the Yunnan Army. The same was true of the Northeast Army; during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, scores of Northeast Army officers joined the Eighth Route Army. Even Zhang Xueliang's younger brother is now a Party member.

So the Northeast Bureau has been doing their work.

All these factors combined gave Du Yuming a headache, so he immediately told Chiang Kai-shek about the current situation in Northeast China.

Du Ming meant that the current Nationalist troops needed some time to recuperate, and he hoped that Chiang Kai-shek would continue to send troops into the Northeast, otherwise Du Ming was not sure he could control the Northeast.

Chiang Kai-shek couldn't stand it.

He severely blamed Du Yuming.

After failing to achieve his goal in the Northeast, Chiang Kai-shek chose the Central Plains.

Chiang Kai-shek concentrated his forces to attack the Eighth Route Army's Central Plains base. With the Eighth Route Army's attack on the Central Plains base, the Liberation War officially broke out.

The central government quickly held a meeting to consider what to do next.

The final decision was that the Central Plains Military Region, whether it chose to break out or hold on, could not completely abandon the Central Plains Liberated Area. Furthermore, to support the Central Plains Military Region, the Central Committee decided to send troops from the Shanxi-Hebei-Shandong-Henan Field Army southward into the Central Plains Military Region.

And it's not a small move.

The Central Committee ordered General Liu and Deng Xixian to lead the main force of the Shanxi-Hebei-Shandong-Henan Field Army, 11 men, south to join forces with the current Central Plains Military Region troops. The combined forces would total about 18 men.

Moreover, most of the troops currently in the Central Plains Military Region were originally troops sent south from Shanxi, Shandong, and Henan after the outbreak of the Henan-Hunan-Guangxi Campaign. The central government's intention was to wait for the two armies to reunite and form the Central Plains Bureau, the Central Plains Military Region, and the Central Plains Field Army.

The Taiyue troops were left behind in the Shanxi-Hebei-Shandong-Henan Liberated Area to conduct interior operations.

Teng Daiyuan served as acting commander of the Shanxi-Hebei-Shandong-Henan Field Army, and Chen Geng served as deputy commander of the Shanxi-Hebei-Shandong-Henan Field Army.

After finalizing the Central Plains Military Region and the Shanxi-Hebei-Shandong-Henan region, the Central Committee next discussed the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei region. The Central Committee had high hopes for the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei region. As long as the Shanxi-Chahar region fought well, it would be able to support the surrounding liberated areas.

This includes Northeast China, Suiyuan, southern Hebei, southern Shanxi, and even Henan and Shandong.

"Jin-Cha-Ji has a heavy task. To the east, we must control the Ping-Han Line. To the west, we must cooperate with the Jin-Sui Field Army to capture the Tong-Pu Railway and Datong. To the south, we must cooperate with the Jin-Ji-Lu-Yu troops to capture Taiyuan. However, Jin-Cha-Ji should shoulder this heavy responsibility."

Since the war had begun, the central government also began to consider counterattacking the national army.

Previously, the Nationalist Army had always been on the offensive, while the PLA had been on the defensive. This was true in the Northeast, and also in the Central Plains. It was always the Nationalist Army that took the initiative, while the PLA was passive. Now that the two sides have completely broken off relations, there's nothing left to discuss.

The People's Liberation Army must also take the initiative.

Looking at the entire PLA base area, only Jin-Cha-Yi has the conditions to take the initiative to attack.

There were currently numerous Nationalist troops surrounding Shanxi and Chahar. Yan Xishan had over 100,000 men, Fu Zuoyi had over 100,000, Sun Lianzhong in Hebei had 140,000 or 150,000 men, Pang Bingxun had 120,000 or 130,000 men, and there were nearly 200,000 Central Army troops entering Hebei and Rehe. Nationalist troops in the Northeast could also attack Rehe at any time. Furthermore, the landlord armed forces formed by the landlords in Hebei and Shanxi, namely the various security groups in various places, were also very numerous.

All told, the Jin-Cha-Ji troops had to contend with over 700,000 main KMT and local forces. However, these forces also had a major problem: the lack of a unified command.

Li Zongren, director of the Peking Field Army, though he was known as the supreme commander, was completely powerless to command these troops. These units operated independently, making them best suited to being defeated individually. Furthermore, the Jin-Cha-Ji Field Army's formidable combat capabilities contributed to the central government's high hopes for it.

"The most important ones here are Pinghan Road and Datong."

The commander-in-chief pointed to the map and said, "Du Yuming is now preparing to launch an attack on Siping, and some Nationalist troops are now being reinforced in the Northeast. Therefore, we must control the Pinghan Railway as soon as possible and cut off the Nationalist troops' continuous reinforcements relying on the Pinghan Railway. Besides, although there are many Nationalist troops in Hebei, Li Zongren is just a decoration in Peking, and Sun Lianzhong, director of the Baoding Pacification Office, cannot command those central army troops. As for Pang Bingxun, although he has a large number of troops and over 100,000 troops under his command, they are basically former puppet troops, puppet police, local security groups, bandits and other armed forces with basically no combat effectiveness. Although the number of Nationalist troops in Hebei is large, they fight independently and cannot fight in a unified manner. This is a very favorable condition for us. The First Field Army of the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei Region is fully capable of launching the Pinghan Railway Campaign here."

"Boss, who do you think would be best to lead the Pinghan Road Campaign?"

"Hebei currently has troops from the First and Fourth Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei Field Armies. The First Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei Field Army has three columns with 14 men, while the Fourth Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei Field Army has one column with 3 men. I believe we can have Comrade Yang Quanwu serve as commander, Comrade Wang Zhi as political commissar, Comrade Bao Shen as deputy commander, Comrade Li Zhimin as deputy political commissar and director of the political department, and Comrade Geng Biao as deputy commander and chief of staff to oversee the Pinghan Railway Campaign."

The main force in launching the Pinghan Railway Campaign was the First Field Army of the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei Region.

Yang Quanwu's troops are the main force.

Besides, Yang Quanwu's current position is definitely the commander of the Pinghan Road Campaign, except that he has an additional column of troops in the Yireliao Military Region.

"can."

"agree."

The commander-in-chief continued, "However, the Datong Campaign will require the combined efforts of the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei Second Field Army, the Shanxi-Chahar-West Third Field Army, and the Shanxi-Suiyuan Field Army. Judging from the current situation, the Shanxi-Suiyuan Military Region will likely deploy several brigades from the Shanxi-Suiyuan Field Army and some troops from the Suimeng Military Region. The commander of the Datong Campaign will be either Comrade Nie Rongzhen or Comrade Zhang Zhongxun."

The troops of the two military regions fought jointly.

Unified command is definitely needed.

In terms of qualifications, Marshal Nie or Zhang Zhongxun are the most suitable to serve as commander.

The chairman shook his head.

He said: "The Datong Campaign is of great importance. Once we attack Datong, Fu Zuoyi, who has been dormant in Baotou for half a year, will inevitably attack. In other words, after the Datong Campaign, we will still have to fight Fu Zuoyi's troops. Compared with taking Datong, how to deal with Fu Zuoyi's troops is more important. At that time, the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei Third Field Army will be the main force of this battle. Moreover, the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei troops will launch the Pinghan Road Campaign and the Datong Campaign in the east and west directions. Comrade Rong Zhen needs to sit in the headquarters, grasp the overall situation, coordinate the various troops, and the relationship between the various bases. He is not suitable to go to the front line of the Datong Campaign as commander. I think it is better to let Comrade Wei Hongjun serve as the commander and political commissar of the Datong Campaign, Comrade Zhang Zhongxun as deputy commander, Comrade Zhu Liangcai as deputy political commissar, and Comrade Zhao Lu as deputy commander and chief of staff, with full command of the Datong Campaign."

"Chairman, isn't Comrade Wei Hongjun too young? He has no problem commanding the Shanxi-Chahar Third Field Army, as many of them are left over from the former Eighth Column. However, commanding the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei Second Field Army and the First Column of the Shanxi-Suiyuan Military Region would present many problems."