Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Although various types of machine tools cannot fully represent industrial strength.

But it's true that the manufacturing industry requires a large number of machine tools. Japanese machine tools are significantly inferior in performance and quality to those in Europe and the United States. They are looked down upon by both Europe and the United States, with the US even stating that Japan's machine tool industry is 15 to 20 years behind theirs.

But that's something the United States can say.

But those Japanese machine tools that are garbage in the eyes of Americans are good things for China, whose industrial base is extremely poor.

"A second aspect is to use trading companies as a new channel for communication with the UK and the US. We can bypass political channels and use this business approach to increase our contacts. When necessary, we can use trading companies to express our stance and also learn about the other side's stance. This is neither a formal official response nor politically charged; it can be considered an unofficial channel."

Yan'an is now paying more and more attention to diplomatic issues.

After all, how to play a role on the international stage after the victory of the revolution was a brand-new challenge. Overall, however, despite the Soviet Union's long-standing disdain for the CCP's local faction, the CCP cadres in Yan'an felt a natural affinity for the Soviet Union. After all, they were both Marxist parties, and the Communist International held considerable influence during the CCP's early years. Furthermore, the Soviet Union was the world's first socialist state, serving as a model for all Marxist parties.

Therefore, the CCP’s politics will not undergo a major shift due to the founding of New China.

However, the CCP leadership did not want to cause trouble with Britain and the United States. Politically, the CCP still had to focus on its relationship with the Soviet Union, but it could use the relocation method to establish some connections with Britain and the United States and establish some channels for dialogue.

Compared to this aspect, establishing some trading companies and making some money is secondary.

Ren Peiguo then interjected, "We don't know much about Britain and the United States. Although we've had some contact before, it was only superficial. I think using business to connect with the British and American militaries and British and American businessmen is a good idea. It won't cause too much trouble."

After Ren Peiguo added a sentence, the commander-in-chief continued: "The third aspect is the import and export trade after the founding of New China.

They didn't write much about this, but the general idea was clear. "Isolation was one of the reasons for my country's decline in modern times. If our revolution is to succeed, we must not isolate ourselves from the outside world. Foreign trade will also be a top priority. So I think this is a very forward-looking report."

The chairman nodded.

The Chairman read the document carefully.

I highly appreciate this report. Chairman Mao personally built the Soviet areas and understands the importance of the economy better than anyone else. While this report is solely about trade, it also touches upon domestic industrial development, infrastructure, and other areas after the victory of the revolution.

So the chairman said, “We haven’t considered this before.

But after reading this report, I think we need to plan ahead and develop our own foreign trade. I propose that the central government establish a Ministry of Foreign Trade to be fully responsible for this matter."

"I agree. The central government can start considering foreign trade." Although there are not many ports in the territory currently controlled by the Eighth Route Army.

But you can still plan ahead.

Zhou Bin and Wei Hongjun were also aware of the current situation, so they proposed setting up trading companies in special regions such as Dalian, Yantai, Weihai, Hong Kong, and Macau.

Success is a good thing.

You can earn money and buy what you need.

Failure is not unacceptable. We can also learn from it and let the Eighth Route Army, these local Eighth Route Army, begin to understand some of the issues of foreign trade.

"I agree too."

"Agree."

Everyone agreed to set up a Ministry of Foreign Trade.

Ren Peiguo said: "Although the Ministry of Foreign Trade is a central department, transportation to Yan'an is inconvenient. Moreover, after the establishment of the Ministry of Foreign Trade, there will inevitably be a lot of work to do, and Yan'an's communications cannot be used here. Therefore, my suggestion is that the Ministry of Foreign Trade can be established in other bases.

I think Zhangjiakou is a good choice. It has convenient transportation and is currently the safest city in our base. We could establish a Foreign Trade Department in Zhangjiakou.

"Put it in Zhangjiakou?"

"Yes. Furthermore, this matter was brought up by Comrade Zhou Bin and Comrade Wei Hongjun. Comrade Wei Hongjun is currently responsible for the daily work of the Jin-Cha-Ji Military Region and the Jin-Cha-Yi Field Army Headquarters, as well as the work of the Ji-Re-Cha Military Region and the Jin-Cha-Ji Third Field Army. Therefore, I believe that the Ministry of Foreign Trade can be handed over to Comrade Zhou Bin. Let Comrade Zhou Bin be the Minister of Foreign Trade, responsible for our Party's foreign trade."

Ren Peiguo still has a deep impression of Zhou Bin.

Especially during the days in the Soviet area.

In those difficult days, Zhou Bin single-handedly developed the finance and trade of the Soviet area.

"I think Comrade Zhou Bin is very suitable for this task. Furthermore, the establishment of the Ministry of Foreign Trade does require a safe and well-developed area. Zhangjiakou is more suitable than Yan'an."

The commander-in-chief also supports it.

The Chairman saw that everyone supported it, so he said, "That's good. Let Comrade Zhou Bin establish the Ministry of Foreign Trade in Zhangjiakou and start our own foreign trade."

Chapter 642 Mongolian Strategy

Wei Hongjun never expected that based on a report he and Zhou Bin wrote, the central government would decide to establish the Ministry of Foreign Trade.

But Wei Hongjun was still very happy.

After receiving the central government's appointment, Zhou Bin immediately began to establish the Ministry of Foreign Trade in Zhangjiakou. This was no small or simple undertaking. Zhou Bin first recruited cadres from the Jin-Cha-Ji region, primarily from the trading companies there.

The Ministry of Foreign Trade was established.

Then quickly contact the various military regions.

One was the Northeast Military Region, and the other was the Shandong Military Region. Contacting the Northeast Military Region was primarily for the purpose of establishing a trading company in Dalian. Having Dalian controlled by the Soviet Union had both advantages and disadvantages. The disadvantage was obvious: the territory was under Soviet control. The advantage was that with the Soviet presence, there was no need to worry about American troops in Qingdao or Chiang Kai-shek's navy attacking Dalian. As long as the Soviets agreed to allow the CCP to establish a trading company in Dalian, security would be guaranteed. Furthermore, Dalian could become a key port connecting Northeast China and Shandong, making it a crucial port for the Ministry of Foreign Trade.

The Shandong Military Region was setting up trading companies in Yantai and Weihai. As for setting up specialized trading companies in Hong Kong and Macau, they also needed to liaise with the local underground Party. There was a lot to deal with. The Ministry of Foreign Trade had its own dedicated telegraph, so there was almost no time to rest.

Because there was no war, Jin Chayi had a rare moment of peace.

However, within two days, this tranquility was broken. The Jin-Cha-Ji Central Bureau held a Standing Committee meeting.

"Secretary Nie, I will take the work team in to persuade them to give up their unrealistic ideas.

The situation in Mongolia is not good.

With Soviet troops stationed in Outer Mongolia, the princes and nobles of Inner Mongolia gathered the scattered Mongolian troops and began to hold frequent meetings. They wanted to unite and form a Mongolian government, hoping to establish a co-existence of the Inner Mongolian Communist Party.

They even sent representatives to the Soviet Union and Outer Mongolia, as well as to Chiang Kai-shek and the United States, hoping to gain their support.

It took Jin Chayi more than a day or two to capture Zhangjiakou.

Since taking control of Zhangjiakou, the Jin-Cha-Ji Eighth Route Army has had a lot of business dealings with Mongolia. They also used this opportunity to train a large number of Mongolian cadres. They then sent work teams to Mongolia to work there. This wasn't a one- or two-day process. So, as soon as the Inner Mongolian nobles took action, the Jin-Cha-Ji side got the news.

Wulanfu immediately asked for orders.

"Comrade Wulanfu, are you sure you can convince them?"

"I will do my best. I believe the vast majority of Mongolian people will not agree with their ideas. Moreover, compared to the Mongolians in the northern desert, Inner Mongolia has historically had a closer relationship with the interior. Only a very small number of people want to establish a coalition with Inner Mongolia. I will strive to gain more support from Mongolian princes and nobles, rather than supporting those who want independence.

Wu Lanfu expressed his position.

Wulanfu is very familiar with the various forces in Inner Mongolia.

This time he returned to Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei from the Northeast, one for Mongolia and the other for Suiyuan.

Wei Hongjun said, "I object to Comrade Wulanfu leading a work team into Mongolia to persuade those Mongolian princes and nobles.

"Comrade Wei Hongjun, what do you think?"

Wu Lanfu was not angry with Wei Hongjun for opposing his ideas. When Wu Lanfu went to the Northeast as the deputy secretary of the Northeast Bureau, he was very impressed by Wei Hongjun's handling of the issues between the Mongolians and the Han people in Tongliao.

So he wanted to hear what Wei Hongjun had to say.

Wei Hongjun said: "I think Comrade Ulanfu takes the Inner Mongolia issue too seriously. Aren't they just some Inner Mongolian princes and nobles who used to be dogs for the Japanese? Taking advantage of the Japanese surrender, they gathered some puppet Mongolian troops and planned to imitate Outer Mongolia. The Outer Mongolian issue is more complicated. There are historical reasons, and there are also..." Wei Hongjun stopped talking here.

Because Outer Mongolia’s biggest problem is that it involves the Soviet Union.

Although Wei Hongjun had written some articles about the Soviet Union, he wasn't Don Quixote. He wasn't stepping forward now, demonstrating his patriotism and insisting on taking back Outer Mongolia. He wouldn't call himself a mature politician, but he wasn't a political novice either.

So Wei Hongjun did not continue this topic.

Instead, he turned to the issue of Inner Mongolia, saying, "It's a foolish dream for Inner Mongolia to emulate Outer Mongolia. As for these princes and nobles who once defected to the Japanese, instead of keeping their tails between their legs and acting in a low-key manner, they dare to jump out and try to create a so-called Inner Mongolia-China partnership. Do we need to convince them? My opinion is simple. We should treat them as Japanese lackeys and deal with them resolutely."

"You mean to send troops to suppress it?"

"Yes."

Before the founding of New China, the united front was a very important task.

why?

To put it bluntly, it was because the CCP itself was somewhat lacking in strength. Chairman Mao once said that the War of Resistance Against Japan could not be rushed, and the War of Liberation could not be delayed. The reason why the War of Liberation could not be delayed was because Chairman Mao saw that the War of Liberation was not a simple struggle between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, or a simple civil war.

The international situation directly affected the War of Liberation.

Chairman Mao saw the great changes in the international situation and was worried that something might happen that shouldn't happen. That's why he said the Liberation War couldn't be delayed.

A quick victory is necessary to achieve domestic unification. Just like the US and the Soviet Union both supported China's plan to divide the country by the Yangtze River, if this plan were truly accepted, China would become another Korean Peninsula. China would become a bridgehead in the US-Soviet struggle for hegemony.

The Chairman is here to avoid this kind of thing from happening.

In order to achieve a quick victory, many compromises were made.

This included compromises with many Mongolian princes and nobles.

Even during the land reform, the policy in Inner Mongolia was quite special. Unlike other places, they did not directly expropriate the land of the rich peasants and landlords and then redistribute the land. Instead, they gave up many benefits to the Mongolian princes and nobles.

But in this time and space, Jinchayi is so powerful. The troops are in Zhangjiakou, and these Inner Mongolian nobles dare to play such tricks. Wei Hongjun will not tolerate them.

"Peace survives when it is sought through struggle, but it dies when it is sought through compromise. If we do not suppress these princes and nobles who once served as lackeys to the Japanese by force, but instead compromise with them, they will repeatedly make more and more excessive demands. Seeing this, other princes and nobles will think we are weak and will follow suit. Negotiating with them, compromising with them, and forcing them to abandon the propositions established by the Communist Party of China is a method that will lead to endless troubles.

The best way is to end it once and for all, to send troops to annihilate these pseudo-Mongol troops and annihilate these Mongol princes and nobles who dared to sell out national interests. Only in this way can we slow down the other Mongol nobles who are waiting and wait, and truly stabilize Inner Mongolia.

"But Comrade Wei Hongjun, the situation in Inner Mongolia is different from other regions after all. Their history, culture, and lifestyle are all unique. These Mongolian princes and nobles are powerful and influential in Mongolia, so we should be meticulous in our work."

Wu Lanfu opposed Wei Hongjun's idea.

Wei Hongjun said, "Comrade Wulanfu, I also know something about the situation in Mongolia. Mongolia is such a vast area, but only a small number of Mongolian princes, nobles, and religious elites control the grasslands and arable land. It can even be said that Mongolia is still in a semi-slave society. Those vast herdsmen are not free people, but the private property of those Mongolian princes and nobles. For the princes and nobles in such a region, should we still hope that they are enlightened upper-class aristocrats? Expect them to give up their own interests? This idea is very naive. If we want to make them accept the revolution and give up their own interests, we can only fight resolutely. If we want to gain a foothold in Mongolia, it is not the attitude of these Mongolian princes and nobles, but to unite the vast number of grassroots herdsmen and friends and mobilize them to rise up in the struggle. As long as we have their support and support, the support of those Mongolian upper-class princes and nobles can be completely ignored.

Damn enlightened upper class aristocracy.

If it weren't for the fact that Mongolian people have a long history of religious belief, Wei Hongjun wouldn't even care about the religious leaders.

Not to mention the princes and nobles.

"Comrade Wei Hongjun, you will only exacerbate the conflict.

"Comrade Wu Lanfu, we must accurately analyze our friends and enemies. The intensification of conflicts between our enemies and us is not a bad thing, because it shows that our policies have effectively dealt a blow to these people.

What we want is to unite with our friends and strike down our enemies. The princes and nobles who are behind the CCP's recent uprising in Inner Mongolia cannot possibly be our friends; they are our greatest enemies in Inner Mongolia. We must resolutely suppress them without any mercy.

Suppress these reactionary princes and nobles, slow down those who waver, and win over those who support national unity. Of course, more important than all this is to win the support of the vast majority of Mongolian herders."

Marshal Nie did not express his opinion.

He was thinking about this.

This matter must be dealt with, but how to deal with it is a tricky issue.

"I think Comrade Wei Hongjun's opinion makes sense. We can't shrink back just because of the united front issue. We must strike boldly at those enemies. These Mongolian princes and nobles who are plotting independence cannot possibly become our friends. We must resolutely suppress them, rather than worrying about this and that and looking back and forth."

Zhao Zhensheng spoke out in support of Wei Hongjun.

Zhou Bin also nodded and said, "I share the same view. We can be more patient with friends, try to win them over, persuade them, and unite them. But for those obvious enemies, we should resolutely strike them down."

Liu Huafu also nodded.