Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Therefore, the Northeast Bureau placed bandit suppression work in a very important position in its documents.

Chen Yun decided to establish a special public security force in the Northeast Military Region to combat banditry. To establish this force, Chen Yun coordinated with the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei Military Region, hoping to recruit a group of experienced grassroots commanders from there.

Let them open up good bases and form local forces.

Used for special bandit suppression work.

After discussion, the Jin-Cha-Ji Military Region agreed to Chen Yun's request. Marshal Nie demanded that each of the four military regions, except the Ji-Central Military Region, the Ji-Lu Military Region, the Yan-Bei Military Region, and the Cha-Sui Military Region, transfer 100 company- and platoon-level cadres to the military region. The Ji-Central Military Region was strong in military personnel, especially in cadre reserves. Therefore, the request was for 200 company- and platoon-level cadres.

In this way, a total of 500 company and platoon-level cadres came to Zhangjiakou to receive training first.

Because the Jin-Cha-Ji region has extensive experience in suppressing bandits. The security brigade in Zhangjiakou, in particular, has been suppressing bandits in the Chahar-Suiyuan region. These grassroots commanders drawn from other military regions are skilled in battlefield combat, but suppressing bandits presents a different challenge.

They have to adapt to new circumstances.

After completing their training, they joined the Northeast Military Region and entered the Northeast in batches. The person in charge of the bandit suppression work in the Northeast was Comrade Wu Xiuquan, a member of the Northeast Bureau and Chief of Staff of the Northeast Military Region.

Fifth: the workers’ movement.

The Northeast Bureau required that a large number of party members and cadres from working-class backgrounds, as well as staff with rich experience in labor movements, be transferred to Northeast factories.

As the Japanese army prepared to defend against the Soviet Red Army and the Eighth Route Army established a base in the Northeast, the puppet Manchurian army and the puppet police became less and less dedicated. As a result, the Japanese and puppet troops' control over the Northeast also declined significantly.

In the past, it was very difficult for outsiders to enter the Northeast.

The fake policeman stares at strangers every day.

But after 1944, this aspect was relaxed a lot. Otherwise, the Ji-Re-Liao Military Region and the Yi-Re-Cha Military Region would not have been able to send so many staff members to the Northeast.

Therefore, the Northeast Bureau required the unity of the working class and the development of party organizations among the workers in the Northeast.

Especially among coal miners.

Currently, the largest coal mine in Northeast China is in Fushun, employing tens of thousands of miners. If we could develop Party organizations and recruit activists within such a large mine, the force would be immense. They needed to make all necessary preparations to welcome the Eighth Route Army's massive influx into Northeast China. This task was assigned to Comrade Lin Feng.

Sixth: On how to deal with the issue of landlords in Northeast China.

This work was personally led by Comrade Chen Yun.

The landlord problem in Northeast China was very complicated. Compared with North China, the landlord problem in Northeast China was more serious. When the Eighth Route Army established a base in North China, the Japanese army had only been in North China for a short time.

So there are many kinds of landlords here.

Some surrendered to the Japanese and became good Han people, some brave landlords formed anti-Japanese armed forces, and some enlightened gentlemen refused to cooperate with the Japanese army.

Therefore, the Eighth Route Army entered the enemy's rear, reorganized the anti-Japanese armed forces behind enemy lines, united the enlightened gentry, and cracked down on those landlords who were traitors.

But the Northeast is different.

In the early years, those landlords who resisted the Japanese puppet army were basically dealt with by the Japanese puppet army as the volunteer army and the Anti-Japanese United Army disappeared. The enlightened gentry who were unwilling to cooperate with the Japanese army were either attacked or left the Northeast.

The remaining landlords either surrendered to the Japanese and became their lackeys, or remained obedient.

The most common ones are the landlords who dare not speak to the Japanese and traitors and are submissive. How should we treat them? Should we treat them all as traitors, or should we deal with them separately? If we don't handle them well, problems will easily arise.

The Party had no roots in the Northeast. If all the landlords here were pushed to the enemy side, it would seriously affect the development of the base.

Therefore, the Northeast Bureau issued a document emphasizing the policy towards rural landlords in Northeast China. It required the rural land work teams to focus on cracking down on traitorous landlords, but the policy towards other landlords must be more relaxed.

Seventh: Regarding the Northeast Development Group.

For now, avoid large groups of pioneers and avoid them. Focus on smaller groups and confiscate their land. If anyone resists, deal with them immediately.

Eighth: Establish a screening department.

Chen Yun agreed with Wei Hongjun's assessment and decided to establish a large-scale screening department with a considerable number of personnel. He assigned Tan Zheng the specific responsibility for this matter.

As the Northeast Bureau gradually took over the work in the Northeast, the development of the Northeast base area entered a new stage.

Chapter 586 Be Prepared

After the Northeast Bureau began its work, more and more cadres came to the Northeast.

Wei Hongjun took advantage of this opportunity to find Wu Pingshan, who had been transferred to the Northeast Military Region. After the establishment of the Second Brigade of the Northeast Military Region, Wu Pingshan was no longer a cadre of the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region, but a cadre of the Northeast Military Region.

The two people will be in different units.

But before Wu Pingshan left, Wei Hongjun had something he wanted to tell him.

"political commissar."

Although he left the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region, Wu Pingshan, a cadre who grew up in the 8th Column, had a deep affection for it. Wu Pingshan was also a "38-style" cadre. Although he joined the Communist Party before the July 7 Incident, he joined the Eighth Route Army after the incident. Originally a cadre of the Pingxi Detachment, he was sent to Chicheng County for underground work because of his father, Wu Shi.

Then he grew step by step and now he has even become the deputy political commissar of the Second Brigade.

During this process, he experienced a lot. He led the reform of his old unit, studied at the Chanan Cadre School, worked in the political department of the column for a period of time, and served as the director of the political department of the 8th Brigade.

Wu Pingshan is reluctant to change his unit now.

"sit down."

"Yes."

Wu Pingshan has grown from an ordinary cadre to a deputy brigade-level cadre in the army.

Wei Hongjun was very pleased.

How many senior military cadres have emerged from our Eighth Column?

If they had stayed in the army, how many generals would have emerged in 1955? For example, if Wu Pingshan had not failed in the Liberation War, he might have even become a major general in the new China.

"Pingshan, how is your father doing lately?"

"Political Commissar, my father used to work in the bandit suppression team. He recently transferred to the local public security bureau."

After Wu Shi rebelled, he had been serving as the captain of the Longyanchi County Battalion in the Chadong Branch.

After the troops captured Zhangjiakou, they established a bandit suppression headquarters. After the Jin-Cha-Yi Military Region moved to Zhangjiakou, it established the Zhangjiakou Weicheng Headquarters. The headquarters' primary mission was to suppress bandits, and the main force under its command was the Security Brigade.

The troops under the Security Brigade were the 38th Regiment, the th Independent Regiment of the Chabei Detachment, and the Guerrilla Detachment of the Chadong Detachment. This Guerrilla Detachment was reorganized from the original Longyan Chixian Battalion.

Because Wu Shi had been dealing with bandits for many years, he also joined the bandit suppression headquarters.

The bandits around Zhangjiakou have been mostly wiped out recently. So Wu Shi is working at the Zhangjiakou Public Security Bureau. Wu Pingshan didn't know why Wei Hongjun asked Wu Shi, but he still answered honestly.

Wei Hongjun nodded.

He looked at Wu Pingshan and asked, "Pingshan, how many years have you been a member of the Party?"

"Eight years."

“That’s also an old party member.”

"Yes."

Wu Pingshan is very proud.

Because Wu Pingshan joined the Party when he was studying in Taiyuan, before the July 7 Incident broke out. Wei Hongjun asked directly: "Pingshan, do you know why our Party is promoting rent and interest reduction?"

"I know. After the KMT-CPC cooperation, our party changed its original land policy in order to unite more people and cooperate in the anti-Japanese war.

"Correct."

Wei Hongjun nodded and said, "From the perspective of contradiction analysis, after the July 7 Incident, or after the September 18 Incident, the principal contradiction in our country became the contradiction between the Chinese nation and Japanese imperialism. Other contradictions temporarily became secondary contradictions. Therefore, our party changed the land policy and implemented a policy of rent and interest reduction in our base areas. However, the principal and secondary contradictions will also transform as the situation changes. After the victory of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, the contradiction between the Chinese nation and Japanese imperialism will gradually disappear. Once this principal contradiction disappears, a new principal contradiction will emerge. The two destinies and two futures proposed by the Communist Party of China at the Seventh National Congress are due to this reason.

Wu Pingshan listened quietly to Wei Hongjun's words.

He understood.

We were now in the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, so the primary enemy was Japanese imperialism. That's why the Party Central Committee decided to implement rent and interest reductions in order to promote a united front. But no one could predict what would happen to China after the war ended.

But what Wu Pingshan didn't understand was why Wei Hongjun talked to him about this.

Wei Hongjun, at his current level, could consider such matters. After all, he was a member of the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Committee, the political commissar of a second-level military region, and a high-ranking Party and military official. But Wu Pingshan was only a deputy brigade-level official, so these matters had nothing to do with him at the moment.

Wei Hongjun continued, "After the Anti-Japanese War, how will the central government adjust its policies? We don't know yet. But our party's goal is the Communist Party of China, and the first step is to build a socialist country. Therefore, by then, it is very likely that the current rent and interest reductions will be changed, and a true land revolution will be carried out. Because only in this way can we achieve the goal of "land to the tiller" and break the feudal land system in the countryside. You are a veteran party member, you should understand what I mean.

"Yes."

Wu Pingshan nodded.

The land revolution during the Red Army period was completely different from the land policy during the Eighth Route Army period.

The land reform during the Red Army era aimed to completely change rural land ownership. The land policy during the Eighth Route Army era was simply to ease rural conflicts. Both policies suppressed the power of landlords in rural areas, but the degree of the former and the latter was completely different.

Wei Hongjun suddenly asked, "Pingshan, how much arable land does your family own in the Chicheng area?

"More than 600 acres."

Wu Pingshan's expression suddenly became serious.

He suddenly understood why Wei Hongjun had come to him. Before Wu Shi defected to the Japanese, he had been the president of the Chicheng Lianzhuang Association and a major landowner in the Chicheng area. Later, after the revolution, because the Eighth Route Army's policy was only to reduce rent and interest, Wu Shi's family had retained their land.

There is certainly nothing wrong with the current policy.

But what if things change in the future and the central government decides to implement land reform?

What to do then.

Although Wu Pingshan joined the Party while studying in Taiyuan, he was well aware of some of the Red Army's policies at the time. Family situations like his made them targets of persecution during the land reform.

Because land reform is to deprive these lands and change the ownership of rural land.

Wu Pingshan looked up at Wei Hongjun.

He really wanted to ask if the central government's policy was about to change. But he suppressed his curiosity and said, "Commissar, what do you mean?"

"Pingshan, you are a very capable cadre. You have a bright future in the army. Even if you leave the army and go to the local areas, you will be an outstanding local cadre. I hope you can go further and further and make more contributions to the revolution. I don't want your family situation to affect your future in the army. You are a young cadre with a bright future. Besides, we are Party cadres, and hard work and simplicity are our Party's fine style. Your family owns over 600 acres of land, and some Party members, cadres, and the masses will inevitably question it in the future. Don't you agree?"

Wei Hongjun was really preparing for future land reform after the end of the Anti-Japanese War.

Again.

The cadres who joined the Party and the Eighth Route Army during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression were not all CCP members, nor were they all Marxists. Most of them joined the Eighth Route Army because they supported its anti-Japanese stance and saw how bravely the Eighth Route Army fought behind enemy lines.

In addition, during the Anti-Japanese War, the review process for joining the party was more relaxed.

Many members with high social status joined the party.

Many of them died fighting on the battlefields of the Anti-Japanese War. But some persevered, growing stronger amidst the arduous struggle. Many others, unable to adapt, left the Eighth Route Army. But there are still a significant number of Party members and cadres who have persevered and come from prominent backgrounds.

Especially in the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei region, there were quite a few party members and cadres who came from rich peasant and landlord families.

Wei Hongjun has to consider them.

During the previous rectification movement, some unsuitable Party members and cadres were either purged or had their positions adjusted. However, most of them played a significant role in the establishment of the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei base area and the development of the Eighth Column.

Wei Hongjun did not want the subsequent land reform to affect them.