Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

People are active in Shuangliao, Songyuan and Siping areas.

After these small troops entered the countryside, they began to attack the puppet Manchukuo army, puppet police, and traitors, and then expanded their base areas and expanded their troops.

After Xiahou Wen settled down to build his base, the rent and interest reduction work in Tongliao went very smoothly. This was especially true for the Mongolian herders, who learned for the first time that they too had rights.

In the Mongolian tribes, many places are still in a semi-slave and semi-feudal system.

Xia Houwen and other officials implemented rent and interest reductions, while abolishing slavery, allowing many Mongolian herders to feel like individuals for the first time. Consequently, their enthusiasm for joining the army surged.

Xiahou Wen organized an independent brigade in Tongliao, a local force of about 3000 men. However, the number of Mongolian herders who joined the army exceeded 1000. Therefore, Xiahou Wen applied to the military district for a batch of war horses, hoping to establish a cavalry regiment in Tongliao.

"The situation in the Northeast is developing very quickly."

After receiving reports from the Jireliao Military Region and the Jirecha Military Region, the Secretariat immediately held a short meeting.

While the Political Bureau had considered this a good opportunity to advance into Northeast China, which was why they had formulated the strategy, the central government had not anticipated the rapid development of the situation. Not only were the Kwantung Army deployed to the Pacific battlefield to directly engage the US military, but many were also transferred back to the mainland to defend it.

Moreover, the situation of the Japanese army was getting worse and worse on the battlefields in Southeast Asia and Myanmar.

It can be said that Japan is now facing crises on all sides.

The strength of the Kwantung Army began to decline rapidly in 1943. By the end of 1944, it was already at a point where it was too weak to even consider.

The puppet Manchukuo army and puppet police were each more cunning than the other.

Seeing that the Kwantung Army was about to collapse, they were no longer as active as before. If it were the same as before, the Ji-Re-Liaoning Military Region and the Ji-Re-Cha Military Region would never dare to send so many personnel to the Northeast.

It was precisely because the work of these puppet Manchukuo troops and puppet police was becoming increasingly inadequate that there was an opportunity to send people to the Northeast.

Although they had not yet fully entered the Northeast on a large scale, the Ji-Re-Liaoning Military Region and the Ji-Re-Cha Military Region had dispatched more than 2000 personnel to the Northeast. In addition, the two military regions had dispatched dozens of troops to the Northeast in small teams.

The Kwantung Army did not react much to the Eighth Route Army's actions.

It was simply the Japanese military police and the Special High Technology Bureau who led the puppet Manchukuo army and police to raid the small Eighth Route Army units. However, the puppet Manchukuo army and police performed poorly, and several raids were unsuccessful. Seeing the formidable combat effectiveness of the small Eighth Route Army units entering Northeast China, the Kwantung Army began distributing weapons to the pioneer groups. The pioneer groups themselves were armed villagers, using force to expel the Northeast peasants.

Now the Kwantung Army hopes that the pioneer group can play the same role it did ten years ago.

Use force to protect rural Northeast China.

But this wasn't the early days of the September 18th Incident. The pioneer groups lacked the sharpness they had over a decade ago, their stable lives dulling their fighting spirit. Of course, the pioneer groups were numerous, and the small teams sent there were reluctant to engage them. They generally chose rural areas with fewer pioneer groups.

Xiahou Wen’s idea was very simple.

That is to avoid strong enemies and develop a base in the weakest part of the Northeast.

Therefore, on the side of the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region, more and more troops entered the Shuangliao, Songyuan and Siping areas to start developing rural bases.

"Now is the time to send some cadres to actually take charge of the Northeast strategy. I propose the establishment of a temporary Northeast Central Bureau to cooperate with the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region and the Hebei-Rehe-Liaoning Military Region to advance Northeast work."

This has been confirmed since the last Secretariat meeting and Politburo meeting.

The Northeast is an important strategic support point.

The Ji-Re-Liao Military Region and the Ji-Re-Cha Military Region can be responsible for the early development, but when the Yi-Re-Liao Military Region and the Yi-Re-Cha Military Region have established their forces, the situation will be different. The central government needs to send someone to take full responsibility for the affairs of the Northeast.

"Old Mao, the Northeast is important, and not just ordinary important. As long as we can control the Northeast in the future, then our revolution will be victorious. I see the current situation. Either Comrade Peng Zhen or Comrade Chen Yun should go.

The commander-in-chief spoke.

Northeast China boasts a strong industrial base and abundant arable land, yet it's also a region where both the Kuomintang and the Communist Party currently have little influence. Whoever controls Northeast China first will have an advantage in the future. It could even be argued that Northeast China is more important than all of North China. With Northeast China, one has a secure rear base, enabling them to conquer any challenge.

Therefore, such an important place as the Northeast must require high-level cadres to be in charge.

Ordinary Central Committee members are not qualified.

So the commander-in-chief named two people.

Both are members of the Politburo of the Seventh National Congress and alternate secretaries of the Secretariat. Peng Zhen currently serves as head of the Organization Department and the Urban Construction Department, and primarily reported on urban work issues at the Seventh National Congress. Chen Yun is currently responsible for financial affairs in the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia region, ensuring logistics for the region.

Both of them hold very high positions in the party.

Comrade Chen Yun, needless to say, had been a high-ranking Party leader since the Red Army era. Comrade Peng Zhen was Xiuyang's most capable general in North China. At the Seventh National Congress, he headed the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei delegation, with Marshal Nie as deputy head. With Comrade Xiuyang's entry into the core leadership of the Central Committee, Comrade Peng Zhen's status also rose.

Once the Northeast strategy succeeds, the Northeast will inevitably become one of the most important strategic regions of the Communist Party of China.

Therefore, if anyone in charge of the Northeast achieves results, it will be truly remarkable. Within the Party, the military, and the local governments, there will be a huge improvement in all aspects. Of course, those who can be assigned to the Northeast must be high-ranking cadres.

That's why the commander-in-chief mentioned Chen Yun and Peng Zhen.

"I think Comrade Peng Zhen is more suitable. Comrade Peng Zhen has been in charge of the Urban Construction Department. There are so many important cities in Northeast China. Comrade Peng Zhen's presence would make him suitable for taking over those cities in the Northeast. Moreover, Comrade Peng Zhen served as the secretary of the Jin-Cha-Ji branch in his early years. He has deep ties with the Jin-Cha-Ji Military Region and can cooperate with the troops under the Jin-Cha-Ji Military Region.

Xiuyang expressed his opinion.

The cities of Northeast China are now considered very important nationwide. Taking over these cities in the future would require a cadre with a solid understanding of urban management. Peng Zhen has been in charge of urban affairs for many years.

"I think that compared to taking over the cities, the focus of the work in Northeast China is on the early development of a base area. The other is that if the Soviet Red Army really attacks the Kwantung Army in the future, we will meet the Soviet army in Harbin or Changchun. We must have cadres to coordinate with them. Comrade Chen Yun has worked in the Soviet Union and is familiar with the situation there. He is suitable for coordinating with the Soviet Red Army at that time. Urban work can wait until we take over the Northeast cities. It is not too late to send people there."

Ren Peiguo spoke out in support of Chen Yun.

Although Peng Zhen served as the secretary of the Jin-Cha-Ji Branch Bureau, he was primarily responsible for the development of the local Jin-Cha-Ji Party Committee and had little to do with the Jin-Cha-Ji Military Region. A key task for Northeast China in the future would be coordinating the two sides if the Soviet Red Army actually attacked the Northeast.

Chen Yun is more suitable.

Wu Hao didn't want to say it at first, he had no objection to who was chosen.

But when he heard Ren Peiguo recommend Chen Yun, he added, "I also think Comrade Chen Yun is more suitable.

The chairman did not speak immediately.

After thinking for a while, he said, "Comrade Chen Yun is indeed suitable.

Three of the five secretaries of the Secretariat thought Chen Yun was suitable, so the Secretariat quickly made a decision to appoint Chen Yun as the Secretary of the Provisional Northeast Central Bureau.

"But there is still a problem. Currently, the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region and the Hebei-Rehe-Liaoning Military Region are developing the Northeast base. And even if we establish the Provisional Northeast Bureau, the specific work still needs to rely on the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region and the Hebei-Rehe-Liaoning Military Region. Can the Central Committee allow cadres from the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region and the Hebei-Rehe-Liaoning Military Region to join the Provisional Northeast Bureau? This will also help coordinate the Provisional Northeast Bureau with the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region and the Hebei-Rehe-Liaoning Military Region."

Ren Peiguo spoke.

The Central Committee established the Provisional Northeast Bureau, but its support for the military and cadres was limited. Even after the Provisional Northeast Bureau went to the Northeast, it still relied on the support of the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region and the Hebei-Rehe-Liaoning Military Region.

So how to coordinate is a problem.

The Chairman said, "This is simple. Comrade Deng Guo and Comrade Wei Hongjun can serve as deputy secretaries of the Provisional Northeast Bureau. At the same time, Comrade Deng Guo and Comrade Wang Qiuyun can be appointed as deputy commanders of the Provisional Northeast Military Region, and Comrade Wei Hongjun can be appointed as deputy political commissar of the Northeast Military Region. However, this is only a temporary appointment; they will remain cadres of the Jin-Cha-Yi faction at this stage."

This is mainly to coordinate the work of the Northeast Bureau and the Jirecha Military Region and Jireliao Military Region."

The Chairman is not the type to stick to conventions in personnel relations.

Historically, Marshal Lin served as Secretary of the Northeast Bureau while serving as a member of the Central Committee, while Politburo members Chen Yun, Peng Zhen, Gao Gang, and Zhang Wentian served as Vice Secretaries. Furthermore, in the East China Field Army, General Su was promoted to command the army. These were all unconventional promotions.

But it works great.

This time too.

The development of the current Northeast Base Area was the responsibility of the Jirecha Military Region and the Jireliao Military Region. The foundation was laid by these two military regions, and their support was also needed for future development. So, Chairman Mao directly broke with convention.

Wei Hongjun and Deng Guo were appointed as deputy secretaries of the Provisional Northeast Bureau, Wang Qiuyun and Deng Guo were appointed as deputy commanders of the Provisional Northeast Military Region, and Wei Hongjun was appointed as deputy political commissar of the Northeast Military Region. Although this was a temporary appointment and they were still cadres from the Jin-Cha-Ji region, it was also an appointment that broke with convention.

Although the newly established Northeast Bureau is a temporary organization, it still needs to have the necessary configurations.

On September 1944, 9, the Politburo convened a meeting to formally establish the Provisional Northeast Bureau to implement the Northeast Strategy. The bureau's personnel list was then finalized. Comrade Chen Yun was appointed Secretary of the Provisional Northeast Bureau; Comrades Wu Lanfu, Tan Zheng, Deng Guo, and Wei Hongjun were appointed Vice Secretaries; and Comrades Lin Feng and Wu Xiuquan were appointed Members. This list was comprehensive.

Comrade Wulanfu was a Mongolian cadre who had previously been in charge of local affairs in Suiyuan. During this expedition to the Northeast, there were many Mongolian tribes and many Mongolian cadres. Therefore, the Central Committee specifically dispatched Comrade Wulanfu to this region, primarily to address ethnic issues there.

Comrade Tan Zheng, a prominent figure in the political work system, emerged from the Autumn Harvest Uprising and emerged from Jinggangshan. Deng Guo, Wei Hongjun, and Wang Qiuyun represented the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region and the Hebei-Rehe-Liaoning Military Region, and more broadly, the military forces currently stationed in Northeast China.

Many people only know that Wu Xiuquan was Li De's translator. But Wu Xiuquan actually attended military school in the Soviet Union and fought valiantly in the Central Soviet Area. After the Zunyi Conference, he served as deputy chief of staff of the Third Red Army.

Comrade Lin Feng was from Heilongjiang. Before the Anti-Japanese War, he served as secretary of the underground party municipal committee in Peking, Tianjin and other places. After the outbreak of the Anti-Japanese War, he had been working in the Northern Bureau and once served as secretary of Comrade Xiuyang.

The Secretariat decided that Comrade Chen Yun would serve as Secretary of the Northeast Bureau, rejecting Comrade Peng Zhen. Therefore, Comrade Lin Feng, as a representative of the Northern Bureau and a native of Heilongjiang, became a member of the Northeast Bureau.

At the same time, the Politburo decided to establish the temporary Northeast Military Region.

Comrade Chen Yun served as Commander and Political Commissar of the Northeast Military Region, Comrades Ulanfu, Deng Guo, and Wang Qiuyun served as Deputy Commanders, Comrades Tan Zheng and Wei Hongjun served as Deputy Political Commissars, Comrade Lin Feng served as Director of the Political Department, and Comrade Wu Xiuquan served as Chief of Staff.

Of course, both the Northeast Army and the Northeast Military Region are now just empty shells.

They are needed to coordinate with the Jin-Cha-Yi and Jin-Cha-Yi Central Bureau, as well as the Yi-Re-Liao Military Region and the Ji-Re-Cha Military Region.

Chapter 581: Anti-Japanese Version Make Way

After the Politburo made the decision, Chen Yun and others immediately left Yan'an.

Passing through the Jinsui and Chahar-Suiyuan Military Regions, they entered Zhangjiakou. They first met with the leaders of the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Bureau and the Jin-Cha-Ji Military Region, primarily Marshal Nie and Luo Qirong, to discuss how to establish a base in Northeast China. After all, the so-called Provisional Northeast Bureau and Northeast Military Region were completely incomplete. Besides Chen Yun and other Northeast Bureau officials, the Central Committee provided them with a cadre contingent of less than 100 people, many of whom were students from the Central Party School and the Anti-Japanese Military and Political University.

Overall it's just an empty shell.

The Northeast was vast, and the cadres needed for the Northeast Bureau and the Northeast Military Region were tens of thousands, even hundreds of thousands. The few cadres the Central Committee gave them were only enough to keep the Northeast Bureau running, and they could do nothing else.

If the Provisional Northeast Bureau wants to develop in the Northeast, the first thing it needs to do is coordination.

They must obtain the support of the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Bureau and the Jin-Cha-Ji Military Region. Without their support, the Northeast strategy would be a castle in the air. Although they were carrying the central government's orders.

But the central government will not control everything.

The development of the Provisional Northeastern Bureau and the Northeastern Military Region depended on the capabilities of Chen Yun and other Northeastern Bureau cadres. If they were unable to coordinate with the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Bureau and ultimately failed to gain much support, the Central Committee would replace them, replacing them with new cadres to implement the Northeastern Strategy. Although he held a high position within the Party, without the support of the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Bureau and the Jin-Cha-Ji Military Region, he could accomplish nothing. Even with orders from the Central Committee, if the Jin-Cha-Ji Military Region dragged its feet, the plan would falter.

Because Jin-Cha-Ji is a local powerful faction.

Maybe everyone thinks that they are all members of the Eighth Route Army and should work together.

Since the Central Committee had decided to open up the Northeast, the various units under it had to comply. However, the reality was far more complicated than imagined. Even if the Provisional Northeast Bureau was established, Chen Yun had no cadres at his disposal. Even if the Northeast Military Region was established, it still had no troops.

In the end, we have to find a solution from Jin-Cha-Ji.

Essentially, it means taking away a large number of Jin-Cha-Ji cadres and troops. This would directly harm the interests of Jin-Cha-Ji, so how could the Jin-Cha-Ji Military Region readily agree? Therefore, this depends on Chen Yun's coordination skills. If you can coordinate effectively, ultimately gaining the strong support of the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Bureau and the Jin-Cha-Ji Military Region, and taking away sufficient troops and local cadres, then this is your ability. The Central Committee has given you this opportunity, and if you seize it, it will be of great significance to your future development. Chen Yun is already a member of the Politburo. If he manages things well in Northeast China, he will undoubtedly have a chance to become a member of the Standing Committee in the future.

Marshal Nie had previously served as deputy commander of the 115th Division, and his Jin-Cha-Ji base area hadn't had a smooth start. However, precisely because of his significant contributions to the development of the Jin-Cha-Ji base area, he was not only appointed a member of the Politburo at the Seventh National Congress, but also Secretary of the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Committee. His status within the Party and the military rapidly rose.

The same is true for Wei Hongjun.

It was because of his achievements during the seven years of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression that he was able to rise from a battalion-level cadre in the Red Army to the political commissar of a second-level military region, secretary of the border region district committee, member of the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Bureau, and deputy secretary of the Provisional Northeast Bureau.

His status within the party is comparable to that of the cadres who joined the party during the Great Revolution.

However, if the central government gives you an opportunity and you fail to seize it, it only shows that you are incompetent.

Just like Xiao Zijing.

I gave you an opportunity, but you didn't seize it. As a result, you were transferred back to the rear and stayed in Yan'an.

Although Chen Yun is a member of the Politburo and an alternate secretary of the Secretariat, he will have to leave in disgrace if the development of the Northeast base is not favorable.

So after arriving in Zhangjiakou, Chen Yun kept a low profile, focusing on understanding the current situation in Jinchayi for a period of time.

Of course, he focused on understanding the situation in the Yirecha Military Region and the Jireliao Military Region. He stayed in Zhangjiakou for half a month and discussed several issues with Marshal Nie, Cheng Zhihua, and Luo Qirong, hoping to gain their support. After that, he first went to Jidong to meet with Deng Guo, the commander of the Jireliao Military Region.

Chen Yun came to Jin-Cha-Ji with a very humble attitude this time.