Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

"I'll leave this issue to you. Tell me about your idea of ​​establishing a base in Northeast China."

"Yes."

Xiahou Wen said, "Besides Mongolian cadres, we are also short of other cadres. Although the military region has provided us with considerable support, as we open up more and more rural bases, our need for cadres will increase."

Wei Hongjun nodded.

Wei Hongjun can understand this.

When Wei Hongjun was developing the Eighth Column and establishing bases, the Qiandi issue was a constant factor. Now that Xiahou Wen was establishing the Tongliao base, he was sure to face this same issue. So Wei Hongjun said, "Don't worry about this. The Central Committee decided to move the main campus of the Anti-Japanese Military and Political University to Jin-Cha-Ji, knowing that Northeast China would need a large number of cadres in the future. The military region is also strongly supportive. Graduates of the Second Branch of the Anti-Japanese Military and Political University and the Jin-Cha-Ji Military and Political Cadre School will be assigned to our Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region. When I return, I will transfer a group of cadres from the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region to support you."

"I can rest assured that."

Xia Houwen paused and said, "Political Commissar, I think that although you attach great importance to the issue of developing a base in Northeast China, you are still too conservative and unable to keep up with the current situation."

The two people have known each other for so many years and are familiar with each other.

When Wei Hongjun needed to criticize Xia Houwen, he never hesitated, and when Xia Houwen offered his opinions, he never beat around the bush with Wei Hongjun. He directly pointed out that Wei Hongjun's decision-making was flawed.

"Conservative? How do you put it?"

Wei Hongjun was indeed very surprised.

Many Party cadres considered Wei Hongjun's Northeastern strategy to be rather radical. Even within the Yirecha Military Region, many believed that advancing into the Northeast was unnecessary.

But Xiahou Wen actually said that Wei Hongjun was conservative.

This is the first cadre who said that Wei Hongjun was conservative since he proposed the Northeast Strategy.

"Political Commissar, the current Northeast Detachment is too weak to shoulder the heavy responsibility of developing a base in the Northeast. In fact, the Japanese and puppet troops in Rehe are already trapped. I think there is no need to leave so many troops in Rehe. It is a complete waste. The military region should strengthen the strength of the Northeast Detachment."

"Tell me carefully."

Wei Hongjun attaches great importance to the ideas of these frontline cadres.

Wei Hongjun never considered himself particularly capable or intelligent. He had reached his current position thanks to his grasp of the historical trends and the history of the development of the Eighth Route Army and the People's Liberation Army.

Every policy Wei Hongjun introduced was a policy that had been successfully refined by the Eighth Route Army and the People's Liberation Army through countless trials and tribulations. People all said Wei Hongjun was an outstanding political cadre.

But Wei Hongjun knew his own business. At most, he had copied many correct and historically proven policies, not that Wei Hongjun himself was particularly powerful.

Another is that Wei Hongjun considers himself modest and cautious.

Listen to everyone's opinions widely.

Even when their opinions differed from his own, Wei Hongjun listened carefully to them. He was also extremely cautious in making decisions. He didn't consider his knowledge of historical development superior to others. He always believed that this was the most important reason he had made it to where he is today.

So when Wei Hongjun heard Xiahou Wen say that he was conservative, he really wanted to hear Xiahou Wen's opinion.

"Political Commissar, look at the current situation. The Kwantung Army appears to have a large number of troops, but the unit numbers they have are very problematic. The Japanese army numbers we were familiar with before have all disappeared. Tongliao is the 119th Division, and further east is Changchun. But there are no main Kwantung Army units in Changchun. I have been paying attention to the situation of the Kwantung Army numbers for more than a month. There are currently three Japanese divisions around Changchun, namely the 125th Division, the 138th Division, and the 148th Division. These divisions were just formed this year after the main forces of the Kwantung Army were withdrawn to the Pacific battlefield. They are all Kwantung Army border garrisons, or they are the personnel left behind after those divisions were withdrawn south, plus divisions formed by recruiting villagers in the Northeast. The combat effectiveness of these newly formed divisions is comparable to those security divisions we have encountered, or may even be worse than the security divisions."

The situation of the Kwantung Army was far worse than in history.

Historically, when the Pacific Theater was short of troops, Imperial Headquarters first deployed troops from the China Expeditionary Army. However, when the Shanxi-Chahar-Islamic ...

Where are the troops available for deployment?

The 26th Division, for example, was historically transferred to the Philippines. But the current Mongolian Army couldn't possibly transfer the 26th Division. Without the 26th Division, the 115th Division alone wouldn't be able to defend Datong.

It's not just the North China Front Army.

The suppression of the North China Front also affected other theaters of war. As a result, China was unable to withdraw troops to support the Pacific Theater as it had done in the past.

Moreover, during the most difficult period of the Kwantung Army, troops were drawn from the China Expeditionary Army to the Northeast. For example, the 39th Division, which had been fighting in Hubei, was transferred to the Northeast and stationed in Changchun.

But how can the current 39th Division be transferred to the Northeast?

The North China Front Army was requesting the Chinese Expeditionary Army to relocate the 39th Division to Shandong. Since the Eighth Route Army had gathered in Shandong, they had been sweeping across the land. The puppet troops in Shandong were particularly vulnerable, with many defecting, putting increasing pressure on the Japanese.

The current Shandong Eighth Route Army has even begun operations in places like Jinan and Qingdao.

Unable to withdraw troops from the China Expeditionary Army, Imperial Headquarters had no choice but to draw troops from the Kwantung Army. In 1943 and 1944, the Kwantung Army drew seven more divisions than had been available historically.

In order to stabilize the situation in Rehe, the 29th and 71st Divisions were also dispatched.

The Kwantung Army doesn’t have that many troops.

To maintain its size, the Kwantung Army had no choice but to expand its border garrisons and independent garrisons, and to establish a large number of new divisions. For example, the 125th, 138th, and 148th Divisions in the Changchun area were all newly formed divisions.

For example, the 148th Division was established less than two months ago.

Even the weapons are a little insufficient.

What kind of combat effectiveness can a unit established in this way have?

Even the Eighth Route Army looked down on such troops. If the Japanese army did not have aircraft, the main force of the Eighth Route Army would even dare to fight such a Japanese army head-on in a positional battle.

"Political Commissar, the area around Changchun is very large. It's 400 to 500 kilometers north to south and 400 to 500 kilometers east to west. In such a large area, the Japanese army only has three main divisions. And the combat effectiveness of these three divisions is so poor. The main force of the Kwantung Army is now on guard against the Soviet Army, and the other troops are only protecting the major cities and transportation lines in the Northeast. The rest of the country is maintained by puppet troops such as the puppet Manchukuo Army and the puppet police. According to the current situation, I judge that as long as we do not join the Soviet Army to attack the Kwantung Army, or attempt to attack the major cities and important transportation lines in the Northeast, then the Kwantung Army will not fight us. Now is the most advantageous time for us. Let alone opening up a rural base, even if we capture some less important counties in the Northeast, the Kwantung Army's reaction is probably not too serious."

"So you mean, increase the troops?"

"Yes."

Xiahou Wen pointed to the map and said, "Tongliao is a very large place. I have even investigated it. There are many plains in the Tongliao area, and there is a lot of arable land. The arable land in the Tongliao area is no less than that in our base in Chahar. As long as we do not attack Tongliao City, do not attack Baicheng, and do not attack the defense line currently built by the 119th Division, I believe the 119th Division will not take the initiative to come and fight us. How can such a good opportunity be wasted? I think the military region should organize a strong force to not only capture the rural areas of Tongliao, but also all the county towns in Tongliao. After consolidating the Tongliao base for a few months, the troops should boldly advance into Shuangliao and Zhangwu areas next spring. Then, form small units and work teams, cross the line of Shenyang, Siping, and Changchun, and enter Meihekou and Tonghua areas. Establish bases in these places."

"The Northeast has a vast network of railway lines, and the Japanese army can gather troops in a very short time.

Transportation in Northeast China is very good in this era.

Almost all the cities in Northeast China that are well-known have railways. In fact, Chifeng also has a railway that goes into Northeast China, but the Yirecha Military Region currently does not use this railway.

Many of the Japanese army's current defense lines against the Soviet army are also built along the railway.

Beyond the front lines, there's also the Qiqihar, Harbin, and Mudanjiang lines. Further back is the Changchun, Jilin, and Tumen lines, and finally, the Shenyang, Dalian, and Andong (Dandong) lines. All of these places have railways.

With so many roads, it was easy for the Japanese army to mobilize troops.

"Political Commissar, the Japanese army has well-developed railway lines. When the Japanese army was strong, so many railway lines were beneficial to their encirclement and suppression. But now the combat effectiveness of the Kwantung Army has declined sharply. At this time, the development of railway lines is useless. Because they do not have enough troops to carry out a sweep. Once we establish a base in the Northeast, the Japanese army will want to sweep it, and they can only tear down the east wall to repair the west wall. At that time, there will be an opportunity for battle.

Wei Hongjun did not immediately comment.

Instead, look at the map.

Am I really being too conservative?

Is he still somewhat afraid of the Kwantung Army? Or is he simply stuck in history?

However, when marching into the Northeast and establishing a base in the Northeast, Wei Hongjun could not make a blind decision. Because the Northeast was an unfamiliar place for the Eighth Route Army, if a wrong decision was made, many good comrades would be sacrificed.

But what Xia Houwen said also makes sense.

The Kwantung Army's strength had indeed declined significantly. Of course, the main reason was that the few main forces of the Kwantung Army were currently at the border, guarding against the Soviet attack. Although Wei Hongjun didn't want to admit it, the facts were facts.

The enemy that the Kwantung Army paid the most attention to was the Soviet Army.

Without the Soviet army's restraint, the Eighth Route Army would not have been able to enter the Northeast.

If the Kwantung Army troops poured into North China, the entire anti-Japanese war situation in North China would be turned upside down. However, the reality is very clear.

The Soviet army had not yet attacked the Kwantung Army, but had already put tremendous pressure on it.

They dare not be careless in the slightest.

This gave the Eighth Route Army an opportunity.

Wei Hongjun immediately thought of Deng Guo, commander of the Jireliao Military Region.

This general is a master of both military and political affairs. Now that both the Central Committee and Jinchayi support him, he will definitely not resort to trivial actions.

It is estimated that a large number of troops from the Jireliao Military Region will enter the Northeast.

Wei Hongjun nodded.

However, Wei Hongjun remained cautious and said, "I need to think about this. I'll convene a meeting of the Military Region Party Committee when I return to discuss this matter. I'll first meet with our cadres to resolve the issues here."

"Yes."

Chapter 577 National Issues

Wei Hongjun has a lot of things to do.

The military district also has a lot of things to deal with.

He came to Naiman Banner because the establishment of the Tongliao Anti-Japanese Base was part of the grand strategy for advancing into the Northeast. That was why he came here in person to deal with the issue. Xiahou Wen quickly summoned Han and Mongolian cadres.

Wei Hongjun was already very alert when he saw what these cadres were doing.

Because there is a clear distinction between Han cadres and Mongolian cadres.

When we met, there was no communication at all. This situation is very abnormal. We all work in the same place, how could there be no communication after meeting each other?

It is enough to see the usual relationship between the two sides.

But Wei Hongjun said nothing.

Waiting quietly for everyone to come in.

After everyone sat down, Xia Houwen said, "Comrades, we welcome Comrade Wei Hongjun, Secretary of the Ji-Re-Cha Border Region District Committee, to speak.

"Whoa Whoah"

All the cadres immediately applauded.

Because today's meeting was primarily with local officials, Xia Houwen introduced Wei Hongjun as the Party Secretary of the Ji-Re-Cha Border Region. After the applause ended, Wei Hongjun smiled and said, "Comrades, I'm very pleased to have this opportunity to meet with you. I'm very happy to see the rapid progress of work in Naiman Banner. The success of Naiman Banner in just a month is inseparable from the efforts of your comrades. You are a highly motivated cadre team."

“Pa pa pa—

"Of course, comrades, your work is not without problems. Tongliao is a place where Han and Mongolian peoples live together, and there are also some other ethnic groups. We need everyone to work together to defeat Japanese imperialism. But I heard that there are conflicts between our Han and Mongolian cadres? Do they distrust each other? We are cadres of the Communist Party of China. We value democratic centralism and criticism and self-criticism. I came here today to listen to everyone's thoughts. If you have any problems, don't hide them, and speak freely.

I want to hear what problems are unsolvable and prevent us from cooperating with each other?"

Some issues require compromise.

But some contradictions need to be addressed directly.

Only in this way can the conflict be completely resolved. Of course, this also has something to do with Wei Hongjun's current position. The reason why grassroots cadres can't solve certain problems isn't because they lack the ability or don't want to solve them. It's because of authority issues.

There are some issues that cadres at Wei Hongjun's level can address and resolve. However, lower-level cadres don't have the authority to speak up or resolve issues in this way. Therefore, communication channels between the top and the bottom must be unimpeded.

Some problems that arise at the grassroots level aren't addressed by grassroots cadres, but they're on the front lines and can spot them. Higher-level cadres have the authority to address problems, but because they're far from the front lines, they can't directly spot them. This is when grassroots cadres need to identify problems promptly and report them to higher-level cadres. These higher-level cadres then take the issue seriously and resolve it as quickly as possible.

This is also the investigation and research that the Chairman has always emphasized.

After Wei Hongjun finished speaking, the meeting hall fell silent. Wei Hongjun waited for everyone to speak. At this point, a Mongolian cadre stood up and said, "Political Commissar, when I was in school, the Political Commissar came to teach me. He said that we in the Communist Party support religious freedom. But some people offend lamas and living Buddhas."

Wei Hongjun recognized this man.

He was Yong Ribu, a Mongolian cadre. Wei Hongjun had lectured to students at the Cha'nan Cadre School. At the time, there were very few Mongolian cadres in the Eighth Column, so Wei Hongjun had numerous private conversations with Yong Ribu.