Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Overall, this draft already has the basic outline of the new Chinese judicial system in many aspects.

"what do you think?"

"I think it's very good. The judicial situation in our base area is currently quite chaotic. Because there's no sound judicial system or judicial institutions, many local cases are handled with muddled judgment. In places where there are judicial institutions, some judicial staff are completely ignorant of legal issues. More importantly, many local officials have a Bao Gong complex. Each one of them longs to be Bao Gong, so they interfere with the judiciary wantonly.

The chairman nodded.

One of the biggest problems of the Eighth Route Army Revolution was the lack of cadres.

There is no need to be taboo about this.

The judicial system in the Eighth Route Army base areas currently faces serious problems. The most serious problem is a shortage of judicial cadres. Consequently, many base areas either rely on local governments to directly handle cases or recruit cadres from the military and local areas to form judicial bodies.

However, judicial cadres hastily formed in this way may be qualified in other fields, but they are completely unqualified in the judicial field.

Wei Hongjun continued, "The draft is good, but it also has many problems. We simply don't have enough judicial personnel to establish judicial institutions in every county. Furthermore, our local officials are prone to meddling in judicial affairs. This kind of thing happens in every local government."

"So what do you think?"

"Chairman, I think we should train our own judicial cadres as soon as possible. With the changes in the anti-Japanese situation, our base has been expanding. There will be a lot of cases of all kinds. If we leave it alone like it is now, many cases will be confusing. Even many local cadres have no judicial concept at all, and they often label people as counter-revolutionaries. In fact, they themselves have never really read the "Regulations on the Punishment of Counter-Revolutionaries". Therefore, it is urgent to establish a complete judicial institution and train our own judicial cadres. The central government should establish some schools to train judicial cadres and train our own judicial cadres. At the same time, I suggest that our cadres must all receive legal education. Our military cadres all know the three major disciplines and eight points of attention, and understand that in This is an iron rule in the military that no one can violate. Local cadres must also follow this iron rule. That is, although they are cadres, they cannot break the law or arbitrarily interfere in the affairs of the judiciary. Our cadres cannot act like Bao Qingtian and handle local cases as they please. This is very detrimental to the judicial development of our base areas. In addition to our cadres being required to carry out legal education, our people also need to receive legal education. Currently, many people in our base areas easily violate some of the laws enacted in the base areas. This is mainly because they do not understand the law and no one has told them about the laws of the base areas. It is difficult for us to deal with their violations of law because they themselves do not know these things. As the saying goes, "punishing without teaching is cruel."

"Everyone says that Comrade Wei Hongjun loves to study. Now he's even reading 'The Analects'?"

"Chairman, I haven't read the Analects." A cadre said this during a discussion with some comrades. I later asked what it meant and wrote it down. I think this statement is very good.

"Okay, okay, only by learning can we make progress."

The chairman nodded repeatedly.

Although the central government has always emphasized that cadres and soldiers should learn, there are still very few who truly take the initiative to learn.

"What you just said is a very big issue. We need to train a group of our own revolutionary judicial cadres. We also need to provide legal education to both cadres and the public, so that they understand the importance of the law."

"Chairman, regarding the issue of counter-revolutionaries, I believe the Central Committee should clarify the scope and punishment of counter-revolutionaries. Many regulations must be clear. If they are even vague, many problems will arise at the local level. The regulations regarding counter-revolutionaries must be clear so that local judicial organs will not make arbitrary judgments. Counter-revolutionary cases can be tried strictly in accordance with the regulations. Currently, counter-revolutionary cases are rampant at the local level because there is a lack of clear regulations on counter-revolutionaries. Counter-revolutionaries must be resolutely suppressed, but arbitrarily labeling cases that are not counter-revolutionary will lead to many false and wrongful convictions. Another problem is that our base areas currently lack clear and comprehensive legal provisions. Therefore, in many cases, lower-level cadres cannot find a suitable legal provision to deal with these individuals and ultimately end up treating them as counter-revolutionaries. The Central Committee should quickly formulate and improve legal provisions that are appropriate for each situation."

Many cadres below are at a loss when faced with some problems.

Actually, it’s because of this reason.

For some crimes, there's no appropriate legal provision to punish them. If your superiors haven't clearly defined the applicable regulations for these cases, what do you expect the lower-level officials to do? They end up using the commonly used term "counter-revolutionary" to convict people. The central government must clarify the legal provisions.

Even if you have clear legal provisions, many problems will arise when they are implemented locally. Furthermore, the Eighth Route Army lacks many laws and regulations. Even the "Criminal Law" of New China didn't officially appear until thirty years later.

It is always better to have laws than not to have them.

Chapter 544 Attention

Wei Hongjun cherishes this opportunity to meet with the central leadership very much.

Given Wei Hongjun's rank, it was unclear how many years it would take for him to meet so many central leaders at once. After all, after the events in Yan'an were over, Wei Hongjun would have to return to the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region to continue the fight against the Japanese. When the war ended, Wei Hongjun still didn't know where he would go.

Whether he was assigned to the Northeast by the Central Committee, stayed in North China, or was transferred to another military region, given Wei Hongjun's current situation, he would definitely be transferred according to the Central Committee's orders. However, no matter where he was transferred, as long as it was not to the Central Committee, Wei Hongjun would remain on the battlefield for the next few years.

This took several years.

After the Liberation War, I didn't know whether I would continue to stay in the army or go to the countryside. These were all unknowns. After leaving Yan'an, it would be very difficult to discuss issues face to face with the central leadership like this.

So Wei Hongjun reported everything he had written in the booklet, unpacking all the problems he had accumulated over the years. Wei Hongjun was not a genius, so he wrote down everything he encountered.

He studied it carefully and found a solution. But there were some things Wei Hongjun couldn't solve on his own. He kept a record of these issues and consulted with Yang Quanwu and even Marshal Nie whenever he had time. But some problems were too big to be solved by a military sub-district or military region alone. They even affected matters after liberation. Wei Hongjun kept these questions in his notes. This time, he raised them all with the central leadership at once.

The chairman and others also listened very carefully.

They even wrote down the questions Wei Hongjun raised, as some of them had not been considered by the central leadership. Wei Hongjun also offered his own ideas for the questions he raised, which greatly inspired the central leadership.

The Chairman occasionally interrupted, but listened very carefully to Wei Hongjun's words.

We have also begun to consider whether to add industrial courses to the curriculum of the Central Party School, and whether to establish a special judicial school and a special industrial school in Yan'an.

Although there is a severe shortage of cadres in the Eighth Route Army now.

But for long-term considerations, it is also possible to overcome some temporary difficulties and cultivate the cadres needed for the future new China.

Wei Hongjun certainly didn't know what the Chairman was thinking at the moment, so he just blurted out his own thoughts. Regardless of whether the central leadership agreed or disagreed with Wei Hongjun's suggestions, the central leadership still had a good impression of Wei Hongjun.

Finally, the Chairman invited Wei Hongjun to have dinner with him.

"Xiao Wei, where is your hometown in western Fujian? Who else is there in your family?"

Wei Hongjun was a big shot in the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei Military Region.

But within the central leadership, there are countless people with more experience and higher ranks than Wei Hongjun. So while the Chairman knew that Wei Hongjun was a veteran Red Army soldier from western Fujian, he wasn't very clear about his specific circumstances.

"Chairman, my hometown is Longyan, Fujian. It was in Longyan that I first joined the Longmen Red Guards formed by Comrade Luo Renfa. The Longmen Red Guards were then incorporated into the Fourth Column of the Red Fourth Army. My mother died when I was young. My uncle died when the Red Guards ambushed the Security Corps. My eldest brother died during the Fourth Counter-Encirclement and Suppression Campaign. My second brother and two cousins ​​all died during the Fifth Counter-Encirclement and Suppression Campaign. When the troops left the Soviet area, my elderly father and younger brother were still at home. One of my cousins' troops was dispersed during the Long March, and we have no news of him since."

Wei Hongjun replied.

In fact, Wei Hongjun had no hope.

After the Nationalist army entered the Soviet area, they openly shouted slogans such as "Stones must be cut, thatch must be burned, and people must be replaced." For a family like Wei Hongjun, where three Red Army soldiers came from, it would have been difficult for them to escape the massacre in the Soviet area.

Not to mention his father and younger brother, even the cousin who was separated during the Long March is probably no longer in this world.

The chairman sighed.

The situation in the Soviet area after its fall is easy to imagine. Longyan, Wei Hongjun's hometown, was an important revolutionary base in western Fujian and a crucial component of the Central Soviet Area. Chairman Mao fought brilliantly there.

That is the famous Three Strikes on Longyan in history.

The Red Guards, where Wei Hongjun was stationed, also cooperated with the Red Fourth Army in the three battles of Longyan. It was the success of the three battles of Longyan that initially established the Western Fujian Soviet Area.

The Central Soviet Area was opened up by the Chairman himself.

I have deep feelings for the Soviet area.

So he said, "We are ashamed of the people in the Soviet area."

"Chairman, my family has been poor peasants for generations, and could only farm the land owned by landlords. It wasn't until the Red Army arrived that our family got their own land. When the land was divided among us, everyone in the family was so excited that they couldn't sleep all night. This was a groundbreaking event for our family. My two brothers, my uncle, two cousins, and one cousin joined the Red Army to protect the fruits of the revolution.

"We must ensure the victory of the revolution and establish a new China where land belongs to the tiller, only then can we be worthy of the support of the people in the Soviet areas.

When talking about the Soviet area, the Chairman was in a low mood.

Wu Hao, who was standing next to him, noticed that the atmosphere was a bit tense and changed the subject, "Xiao Wei, how old are you this year?

"I'll be 28 soon."

"28 years old, how many years of party membership?"

"I've been a party member for 11 years. I joined the party in 32.

"That's an old Party member. Is he married?"

"I've been fighting behind enemy lines for the past few years and haven't had time to get married."

Wei Hongjun didn't mean to be a monk who abstains from women.

However, the 8th Column had been extremely busy in recent years. Furthermore, it had been operating behind enemy lines, constantly facing raids by Japanese and puppet troops. More importantly, there were few female cadres assigned to the 8th Column. Among the young students assigned to the 8th Column, female students were also a minority. Consequently, Wei Hongjun remained unmarried during these years.

Of course another reason is that the troops are fighting all day long.

Even if I get married, I still can't have a stable wife and children. If that's the case, why rush into marriage? Wait until the Anti-Japanese War is over, and the most difficult period of the Liberation War is over. Then there will be plenty of time for peace and tranquility.

It’s not too late to get married then.

After all, Wei Hongjun was young. Many military officers in their thirties hadn't gotten married yet, and Wei Hongjun wasn't in a hurry since he wasn't even thirty yet.

When the commander-in-chief heard that Wei Hongjun was still unmarried, he smiled and said, "That won't do. Comrade Wei Hongjun, you must balance revolution and production. If you, the acting political commissar of the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar Military Region, don't get married, how can you expect the cadres below you to get married?"

"General Zhu is right. Xiao Wei, you meet the requirements for marriage. If you don't get married, how will the cadres in your military region get married?"

"Chairman, Commander-in-Chief Zhu, I am not married, but I have approved all marriage applications from our military district cadres as long as they meet the requirements and are approved by the Political Department.

Wei Hongjun hurried to explain.

The Chairman also came out of his original mood.

He said, "Xiao Wei, revolution is important, and personal life is also important. You have the time to come to Yan'an this time. You can solve your personal problems by the way. If you are shy, why not let Comrade Chen Yun introduce you."

Wei Hongjun scratched his head.

Blushing a little, she said, "Chairman, I'm just thinking about settling down the current situation so I can solve my personal problems. I've been fighting and marching with the troops, so I haven't had time to think about these things. I think it's not too late to start a family after the victory of the Anti-Japanese War."

"Hahaha."

Wei Hongjun became famous again in Yan'an.

The Chairman and his colleagues spoke with Wei Hongjun for over five hours. The central leadership was very busy, especially with the ongoing rectification movement. Furthermore, the central leadership was preparing for the Seventh National Congress, so the work was very hectic.

Historically, before the Seventh National Congress, the Central Committee held the Seventh Session of the Sixth Central Committee, which lasted for 11 months. However, the reason why the Seventh Session of the Sixth Central Committee was held was because the situation at the time was not suitable for holding the Seventh National Congress directly.

The Seventh Session of the Sixth Central Committee served more as a preparatory meeting for the Seventh National Congress. While the Yan'an Rectification Movement had been underway for some time, it had not completely eradicated some of the Party's other ideological tendencies. In particular, while the Rectification Movement dealt a heavy blow to the factions that had studied in the Soviet Union, it had not yet dealt a blow to them organizationally. Consequently, the Central Committee convened the Seventh Session of the Sixth Central Committee to unify Party thought and adopted the "Resolution on Certain Historical Issues." This resolution was a truly devastating blow to the factions that had studied in the Soviet Union. On this basis, the Central Committee convened the Seventh National Congress, leading to the subsequent unification conference.

But compared to history, the conditions are much more mature now. First, the Eighth Route Army has greatly increased in strength, so there is no need to worry about the convening of the Seventh Congress affecting the battles on the front lines. Second, the situation in the central government is currently very stable.

Historically, the Chairman established his true core position within the Party by uniting various factions within the Party and, through several years of the Rectification Movement, convening the Seventh Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee to unify Party thought, leading to the Seventh National Congress. But the present time and space are different.

The powerful rise of the Jin-Cha-Ji "model base area" directly and effectively supported Chairman Mao's strategic vision. Consequently, the Yan'an Rectification Movement went remarkably smoothly, completely shattering the Soviet-educated faction's previous views of "everything for the War of Resistance" and "everything subordinate to the united front." It can be said that in this contest, the Soviet-educated faction was completely crushed by Chairman Mao.

The Soviet-educated faction and some cadres who espoused its views were utterly defeated in this struggle. Middle- and senior-level Party cadres were deeply disappointed with the Soviet-educated faction. They felt that this imperial envoy, who had returned from studying in the Soviet Union, had no idea what revolution or warfare meant.

Party cadres also began to support the Chairman's desire to liquidate the line of the Soviet period.

The Chairman's prestige was established through the Eighth Route Army's successive victories.

It can be said that after the Eighth Route Army crushed the Japanese and puppet troops in North China, Chairman Mao's prestige within the Party was unparalleled. During this period of the Rectification Movement, the ironclad facts dealt an unprecedented blow to the Soviet-educated faction. Therefore, the Central Committee ultimately decided to directly convene the long-planned Seventh Congress.

So the central government is very busy now.

However, the Chairman and the major leaders of the Central Committee actually talked with Wei Hongjun for more than five hours.

Finally, Wei Hongjun stayed for dinner.

This is exactly the treatment that only military district leaders can get.

It can be said that Wei Hongjun was once a rising star in the Party and a rising star in the Eighth Route Army. But now, Wei Hongjun's status in everyone's eyes is completely different.

This is no longer just a rising star, but a party cadre valued by the central leadership.

But for Wei Hongjun, life has not changed much.

After talking with the Chairman and others, I continued to do the same as before, going to the Party School for classes, then doing farm work for a few hours, and participating in the rectification movement of the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei Cadre Corps.

Chapter 545 Life in Yan'an

However, the current rectification movement is much better.

The Chairman quickly convened a Politburo meeting. After the Politburo meeting, the Chairman, on behalf of the Politburo, stated that while the work of the Jin-Cha-Ji Branch Bureau and the Jin-Cha-Ji Military Region had some minor flaws and errors, the work in Jin-Cha-Ji was highly effective, and its achievements were paramount. Comrade Nie Rongzhen made some mistakes, but these were merely errors in his work. Comrade Nie Rongzhen's work in Jin-Cha-Ji deserves recognition, and he made outstanding contributions to the War of Resistance.