Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Therefore, they collaborated with the Chinese Communist Party to establish the Shanxi Sacrifice for the Nation Alliance, or Shanxi Sacrifice Alliance. The Alliance subsequently grew rapidly, especially among Shanxi's youth and students. Today, the Shanxi Sacrifice Alliance boasts 700,000 to 800,000 members, demonstrating its strength. Following the July 7 Incident, Yan Xishan, relying on the Shanxi Sacrifice Alliance, formed the Shanxi Youth Anti-Japanese Death Squad, commonly known as the Shanxi Death Column, to defend Shanxi.

As the situation became increasingly tense, the Death Column was also rapidly expanding. Apparently, before the fall of Datong, Yan Xishan was planning to form a unit under the Shanxi Death Column in the Jinsui area.

Unfortunately, plans don't change as fast as they should.

The rapid fall of Datong prevented the establishment of this armed force.

Yan Xishan's execution of Li Fu had caused widespread discontent within the 61st Army. Many officers and soldiers would rather become bandits than return to the Shanxi-Suiyuan Army. Zheng Laishan was clearly in the same boat.

"How many weapons and ammunition?"

"Commissar, there are over 1600 Type 180 Jin-made rifles, 86 Mauser pistols, 33 light and heavy machine guns, and a total of artillery pieces including mortars."

"Have you pulled them all back?"

"Yes. They have all been equipped to the troops."

"Okay, not bad."

Wei Hongjun didn't expect that the first team would have such good fortune.

These weapons clearly indicate Yan Xishan's intention to build a brigade of youth troops, but he ultimately ended up benefiting the First Detachment. Wei Hongjun pondered this and said, "Once I meet with the leadership of the Chasui Detachment, I'll merge this unit into your First Detachment. By then, your First Detachment will have nearly 5,000 men. The First Detachment is well-equipped to handle the development of the Ninggao Town base. I'd like to hear about the progress of your base construction."

"Political Commissar, after a year of hard work, we have opened up 193 rural bases in Xining County, and each of them has at least 474 Party members. We have recruited 1100 new Party members in Xining County and about activists."

Huang Hao began to report to Wei Hongjun on the development of party members in the base area.

The development is very good.

Because the rural base in Xining County was not only opened up after Gao Wei and Huang Hao came. As early as the end of 1937, the independent division came to Xining County and left troops here to open up a rural anti-Japanese base.

This group of people were incorporated into the Eighth Column. When they came under the command of the Eighth Column, they had several hundred guerrillas and recruited many new party members and activists. The two forces combined had nearly a hundred party members in Xining County.

After a year of development, the First Detachment had nearly 800 military and local party members combined.

The development is still very good.

“What about food production?”

"Last year, our base controlled approximately 26 mu (approximately 547 hectares) of arable land, and we collected approximately 8000 million jin (approximately 2300 hectares) of grain. We supported the people in the base area in reclaiming wasteland, reclaiming approximately 880 mu (approximately 1700 hectares) last year. Furthermore, in accordance with the column's directive to ensure self-sufficiency, our detachment reclaimed 13000 mu (approximately 37 hectares), the county brigade reclaimed 700 mu (approximately hectares), and the militia from each village reclaimed mu (approximately hectares) of land. The county added approximately mu (approximately hectares) of land last year. However, after the victory in the counter-siege, our base area has greatly expanded, and we currently control over more than two-thirds of Xining County. The arable land in these areas has reached mu (approximately hectares). However, the most fertile plains in Xining County have been the site of repeated battles between our army and the Japanese. This year, our detachment plans to collect approximately million jin (approximately hectares) of grain, and to reclaim over mu (approximately hectares) of wasteland."

“Is there enough arable land in Xining County?”

"According to the detachment's statistics, Xining County should have one million mu of arable land."

"One million acres, one million acres."

Xining County has a river in the middle, so there's no shortage of water. And while Xining County is surrounded by mountains, a large area on both sides of the river is plain, so there's still plenty of arable land. Furthermore, the surrounding mountains can be reclaimed, allowing for the cultivation of corn, sweet potatoes, and other crops.

"You must pay attention to the need to build more food reserve bases. Store more food so you don't have to worry."

"Yes."

Chapter 204 Ninggao Town Detachment

Wei Hongjun is generally satisfied with the work done in Xining County, but there are also many flaws.

The number of party members grew rapidly, but the Party was too eager for quick results and failed to maintain strict control. Last year, when more than 3000 Japanese and puppet troops raided the area, many defected and surrendered to the enemy. Furthermore, the Party did not fully grasp the policies regarding the construction of rural bases.

Some rural bases claimed to be anti-Japanese bases led by the CCP, but power was actually held by the wealthy and powerful local gentry. While uniting with enlightened landlords was a key tenet of the Eighth Route Army, the Eighth Route Army was an independent arm of the CCP. Grassroots power in the bases should not be ceded arbitrarily.

Regarding this, Wei Hongjun severely criticized Huang Hao.

We may be flexible in our policies regarding uniting the enlightened gentry, but we must absolutely not compromise on matters of principle. Even more so, we must not compromise on the question of revolutionary leadership. The Party must firmly grasp revolutionary leadership in the War of Resistance Against Japan, including leadership in the base areas.

But Wei Hongjun also understood.

Because there are all kinds of thoughts within the party at present.

There were also disagreements within the Party over how to independently resist the Japanese. Many leaders even joined the Imperial Commissioner, who had returned from the Soviet Union, in calling for "everything to be subordinated to the united front," opposing independent resistance behind enemy lines. Instead, they demanded that the Eighth Route Army and the New Fourth Army fully obey the Nationalist Army's command. The ideological divisions within Yan'an were severe, and naturally, the subordinate units were also affected. This also led to serious disagreements over the construction of the base area. The question of leadership over the Eighth Route Army base area was also a pressing issue.

However, as Chairman Mao's "On Protracted War" was distributed to all units, this disagreement would gradually subside. The Eighth Route Army's mission was to independently fight the war behind enemy lines. Of course, the complete end of this abandonment within the Party would have to wait until the Yan'an Rectification Movement and the convening of the Seventh National Congress.

In addition to this, there are also some problems with the development of local forces.

Gao Wei and Huang Hao clearly prioritized the development of the main force, and weren't supporting the development of the local forces enough. However, this wasn't a serious problem; Wei Hongjun simply asked them to make adjustments.

Of course, Wei Hongjun came to the First Detachment to carry out a new type of military reorganization in the First Detachment.

Within a few days, Wei Hongjun inspected the First Detachment and learned about the situation in the base area. He also met with the leaders of the 120th Division's Jinsui troops. They were no ordinary people; each one was well-known and high-ranking.

However, except for a few military cadres, most of them are highly educated talents.

"I want to know the most accurate information about the Chahar-Suiyuan troops at present."

The Chahar-Suiyuan troops were to be incorporated into the First Detachment, so Wei Hongjun certainly needed to understand their current situation clearly.

The leaders of the Chahar-Suiyuan troops who came this time included Zhang Shengshi, commander of the Chahar-Suiyuan Guerrilla Army, Le Muzhou, political minister of the Guerrilla Army, Li Fengwu, deputy political minister of the Guerrilla Army, Jin Yongqi, secretary-general, Lian Han, commander of the first detachment of the Chahar-Suiyuan Guerrilla Army, Ren Shuhai, commander of the fourth detachment, and Zhou Shaoqing, commander of the fifth detachment.

This time, the troops allocated to the Eighth Column were the First, Fourth and Fifth Detachments of the Guerrilla Army.

The Chahar-Sui Guerrilla Army was a very special force.

In name, it was similar to the Shanxi New Army, or the Shanxi Youth Death Column, and was the product of cooperation between Yan Xishan and the CCP.

Comrade Wu Hao proposed to Yan Xishan the establishment of a National Revolutionary War Battlefield General Mobilization Committee in the Second War Zone, abbreviated as the War General Mobilization Committee. Because it was a collaboration between Yan Xishan and the Eighth Route Army, it was an open organization in Shanxi, Chahar, and Suiyuan.

After the establishment of the General Mobilization Association, many troops were set up in Shanxi, Chahar and Suiyuan.

The Chasui Guerrilla Army was one of them.

However, these units ultimately came under the control of the Eighth Route Army. This happened for a variety of reasons, one of which was that a large number of Communist Party members joined the War General Mobilization Association when it was established, and many young students in the units ultimately chose the Eighth Route Army. However, a larger factor was that many of these units fought behind enemy lines. In those battles, the Eighth Route Army was the only one that survived.

Of course, because of this special situation, the leadership structure of the Chahar-Sui Guerrilla Army is also very special.

For example, Zhang Shengshi, the guerrilla commander who came to Xining County in person this time, was the chairman of Chahar Province appointed by Chiang Kai-shek himself. Zhang Shengshi had a very long history. He was a member of the Tongmenghui in the early years and was a member of the National Assembly when the Nanjing Provisional Government was established after the Xinhai Revolution.

For a period of time afterwards, Zhang Shengshi was a high-ranking official in the Nationalist government and was even Chiang Kai-shek's direct subordinate. At that time, Chiang Kai-shek's only cavalry unit was under Zhang Shengshi's command.

However, after the September 18th Incident, the two began to go their separate ways.

Zhang Shengshi even led his troops to join Feng Yuxiang's Chahar Anti-Japanese Allied Army, greatly offending Chiang Kai-shek. However, Chiang Kai-shek could only appease him because of his great influence in the northwest, especially in Shanxi, Chahar, and Suiyuan.

Besides this veteran revolutionary, the Guerrilla Army's Political Department Chief, Le Muzhou, and Deputy Chief, Li Fengwu, were both university professors and renowned figures in Peking's cultural circles. Furthermore, the current Chahar-Suiyuan Guerrilla Army Commander, Zhang Shengshi, was not a member of the Communist Party, but was close to the Eighth Route Army and supported its positions. Both Le Muzhou and Li Fengwu, however, were Party members, and veterans at that.

Both of them are of very high rank.

One was a renowned "Red Professor," and the other a member of the Chinese Academy of Sciences after the founding of the People's Republic of China. Beyond these three individuals, from the guerrilla army's secretary-general down to the commanders of several detachments, all were university graduates. Furthermore, all were renowned student leaders in academia.

In other words, the Chahar-Suiyuan Guerrilla Army was composed of a group of students, mainly exiled students from Northeast China, as well as students from Peking, Tianjin, and local students from Shanxi and Suiyuan.

"Political Commissar Wei, the Xuyang Rebellion that occurred last November dealt a severe blow to the guerrilla army. At that time, there were less than 637 people left in our guerrilla army headquarters, the Fourth Detachment, and the Fifth Detachment. However, after the First Detachment in Yanbei was transferred to Fengdong (east of Fengzhen) and Yanggao County, the guerrilla army has recovered in the past two months. Currently, the First Detachment of the Guerrilla Army has 388 people, 17 rifles and 434 light and heavy machine guns. The Fourth Detachment has 179 people, 4 rifles and 426 light machine guns. The Fifth Detachment has 242 people, 6 rifles and 1 light machine guns, and 87 heavy machine gun. In addition to the three subordinate detachments, the guerrilla army headquarters also has a guard company. The guard company has 74 people, rifles and light machine gun."

Jin Yongqi, secretary general of the guerrilla army, introduced the current situation of the guerrilla army to Wei Hongjun.

Jin Yongqi was a graduate of Peking's Sino-French University. While still a student, he was president of the student union and a leading figure in the December 9th Movement. It was precisely because of this background that Jin Yongqi, then only 23 years old, became secretary-general of the Chahar-Suiyuan Guerrilla Army.

Although he is young, his abilities are really good.

Wei Hongjun, well-versed in the guerrilla army, began calculating its strength. The First, Fourth, and Fifth Detachments, along with the Guard Company, alone numbered 1584 men. Adding the guerrilla army's staff, the total number exceeded 1600. There were approximately 890 rifles, long and short, and 28 light and heavy machine guns.

Although compared to their numbers, their strength is still very poor.

But it can't be small either.

Overall, it is not much different from Wei Hongjun's estimate.

"The result of the column meeting was that the First Detachment of the Eighth Column was renamed the Ninggao Town Detachment, and it could also be called the Chaxi Detachment externally. The Chaxi Detachment was composed of three battalions. The First Detachment of the Eighth Column was renamed the First Battalion and the Second Battalion. The First, Fourth, and Fifth Detachments of the Chasui Guerrilla Army and the Army Headquarters were reorganized into the Third Battalion of the Chaxi Detachment. The First Battalion remained in Xining County and consolidated and expanded the Xining County Anti-Japanese Base. The Second Battalion developed the Tianzhen Anti-Japanese Base. The Third Battalion withdrew from Fengzhen and handed over the Fengzhen base to the troops of the 359th Brigade. The Third Battalion would later develop the Yanggao County Anti-Japanese Base."

After understanding the situation of the guerrilla army, Wei Hongjun conveyed the spirit of the Eighth Column meeting.

Developing the Ninggaozhen Anti-Japanese Base Area would not only expand the Eighth Column's base area, but would also increase cooperation with the 120th Division. Currently, the 120th Brigade of the 359th Division had opened up a base area in Daqingshan, and their local forces were also active in the Chasui and Yanbei areas.

After developing the Ninggao Town Anti-Japanese Base, we will be able to have more cooperation with the 359th Brigade.

Of course, in addition to the 359th Brigade, we can also increase cooperation with Fu Zuoyi's 35th Army. Because our main enemy is the Japanese army stationed in Mongolia.

Therefore, the Eighth Column attached great importance to the development of the Ninggao Town base.

"Now let's talk about the personnel of the Ninggao Town Detachment."

Chapter 205 Ninggao Town Detachment 2

"The Eighth Column Party Committee decided that Comrade Gao Wei would be the commander of the Ninggao Town Detachment, and Comrade Huang Hao would be the political commissar of the Ninggao Town Detachment."

"Yes."

"Comrade Lu Weisheng serves as deputy political commissar and director of the political department of the Ninggao Town Detachment.

"Yes."

"Comrade Xu Jiafu serves as the captain of the first battalion of the Ninggao Town Detachment, and Comrade Qi Guangwu serves as the political commissar of the first battalion of the Ninggao Town Detachment.

"Yes."

"Comrade Gao Li serves as the captain of the second battalion of the Ninggao Town Detachment, and Comrade Xu Jin serves as the political commissar of the second battalion of the Ninggao Town Detachment."

"Yes."

Speaking of the First Detachment independently establishing a base in Xining County, the greatest help provided by the Eighth Column as a superior unit was that when the Tenth Detachment was split, two companies of the Third Battalion were directly merged into the First Detachment.

This is an amazing improvement for the first team in all aspects.

Because the 10th Battalion had a sufficient cadre reserve and was built entirely according to the organization of a regiment, after the two companies of the 3rd Battalion of the 10th Battalion were merged into the 1st Detachment, all the cadres of these two companies were integrated into the 1st Detachment.

Most of those cadres were veteran Red Army soldiers who had participated in the Long March.

The political commissars of the first battalion, Qi Guangwu, and the second battalion, Xu Jin, were both from the third battalion of the tenth battalion.

"Comrade Lian Han serves as the captain of the third battalion of the Ninggao Town detachment."

"Yes."

Most of the guerrilla army are students.

They had received no prior military training. Therefore, since its establishment, the Chahar-Suiyuan Guerrilla Army's performance has been mediocre, and its development has been slow. It was far inferior to the deployed Eighth Route Army troops. Not only was its combat effectiveness inferior to that of the Eighth Route Army, but its propaganda was also inferior.

But it's understandable.

After all, before the July 7 Incident, they were all academically inclined. Suddenly, they were forced to join the military, and in the harsh environment behind enemy lines, which was certainly not something they could adapt to. Many of them were incredibly naive.

I thought that all Chinese people would resist Japan and that all Chinese people would be patriotic.

What they don’t know is that the “big truths” they say

Ordinary people wouldn't understand, and bandits wouldn't believe it. Many ordinary people haven't even been to a county seat, so how could they possibly understand the great principles of national identity you're trying to convey to them? As for the bandits, they wouldn't believe such things even more. If they did, they wouldn't become bandits.

Therefore, although this unit received dual support from Yan Xishan and the Eighth Route Army, its development was still very slow.