Thirty-five years had passed since Liezi was exiled to the Americas, and Ma Si was exiled as well.

Although monopoly capital parasitized the economy of the Eastern Song Dynasty like cancer, science and technology still made considerable progress, with shortwave communication being the most typical example.

Shortwave signals can be reflected back to the ground by the atmospheric ionosphere, enabling long-distance transmission over thousands of kilometers, which is highly reliable.

This means that although Liezi was exiled to the Americas, he was still able to communicate with the Central Plains in real time.

As a mentor of this era, Liezi possessed terrifying fighting prowess.

He reshaped the ideas of the Americas that had been molded by Marx once again.

At this time, there were two main ideologies in America. One group consisted of the plantation owners who had initially come to America thanks to Zhao Xi's favor; they were staunch royalists.

Regardless of what ideology one believes in, whether it's constitutionalism or republicanism, there must be an official government.

Another type is anarchism. These people have lived in the vast plains of the Americas for a long time, are used to the sparse population, and are unwilling to be controlled by the government.

Liezi refuted these ideas by writing frantically via radio.

Although the Americas did not have as many people as the Central Plains and Southeast Asia, they were all talented individuals, and compulsory education was not lagging behind, so there were many scholars and officials.

So the scholars began to refute Liezi, but they discovered something incredibly terrifying.

Before their rebuttal articles were even finished, Liezi's new round of rebuttal articles had already arrived.

By the time they finished writing their response to Liezi's first attack, Liezi had already launched three attacks.

The scholars of America were besieged by Liezi.

They found themselves in an awkward situation: the more they refuted Liezi, the more they needed to refute him, and the workload became increasingly heavy. They could only write articles day and night in an attempt to keep up with Liezi's pace.

Over time, Liezi was not significantly affected, and his fighting ability remained unchanged.

Meanwhile, the American literati began to lose their minds, and their articles were full of errors.

Liezi, however, accurately seized upon these loopholes, delivering a crushing blow to the scholar-officials of the Americas.

"My God, Liezi isn't a person at all, but a team of typewriters." In the end, the American literati could only let out a desperate wail, then lay down and let Liezi knead them.

According to statistics, Liezi wrote several million words of articles in a single year.

God knows how he wrote it.

Does he not need to think when he writes?

After finding himself without rivals in the intellectual and public opinion circles of the Americas, Liezi turned his attention to the Central Plains.

Exile him?

Even if I'm exiled, I'll still criticize you!

Of course, Liezi keenly observed that the focus was not on the Central Plains at this time, so he only devoted half of his energy to dealing with public opinion in the Central Plains, and spent the other half of his time going into factories to spread Marxism to the workers.

When workers who work more than twelve hours a day but still cannot improve their living standards and face the risk of unemployment at any time come into contact with Marxism.

For the first time, the workers felt that their bodies, which had been like walking corpses, had been given a soul.

The scenes depicted in Liezi, such as workers controlling factories and the eight-hour workday, became a source of spiritual sustenance for the workers.

Every time Liezi enters the factory to give a speech, the scene is always a sea of ​​people.

Many workers from other places even preferred to be fired rather than miss work to listen to Liezi's lectures.

These people became Liezi's most loyal followers.

At this time, Liezi also put forward a concept—professional revolutionary.

For the victory of the revolutionary cause, a group of highly professional, organized, and steadfast revolutionaries is needed to form a vanguard organization trained like an army.

As capitalism becomes increasingly specialized and organized, the proletariat must have equally specialized and powerful revolutionary organizations to counter it.

Although Marx left traces of Marxism in the Americas and led many to embrace Marxism, there was no unified organization there. Instead, there were some scattered revolutionary groups with rudimentary equipment and short-sighted plans.

Thus, under Liezi's powerful fighting force, these revolutionary groups began to unite, and a highly effective political party was born.

It is called the Mo Party.

They would work tirelessly, even unto death, for the benefit of the world.

For the benefit of all people, I am willing to endure extreme hardship from head to toe, and I will never retreat even if it means sacrificing my life.

The doctrines of Liezi and the Mohist school of thought from two thousand years ago bear a striking resemblance.

First, the Mohist school pursued a society where "officials are not permanently noble, and the common people are not permanently lowly," aiming to achieve equality where the elderly and weak are cared for, and everyone has clothing to wear. This is highly consistent with Marxism's ultimate goal of "eliminating class exploitation" and moving towards "Great Harmony."

Secondly, the Mohist school, with its "Grand Master" as its leader, and its "Shangtong" (the will of the lower levels is gradually unified with that of the higher level) ideology, are regarded by many researchers as a primitive form of democratic centralism.

This shows a cross-temporal institutional similarity with the core organizational principle of Liezi-ism political parties—"centralization on the basis of democracy, and democracy under the guidance of centralization"—in terms of maintaining a unified will and action.

Thirdly, Mohist disciples were required to endure hardship for righteousness and to go through fire and water for the people; similarly, the "professional revolutionaries" of the Liezi-ism political party demanded theory, practice, loyalty, and a spirit of sacrifice and dedication. Both required members to possess a near-self-sacrificing, ascetic-like heroism, thereby cultivating extremely strong organizational combat effectiveness.

Both the Mohist school and the Liezi school advocated breaking away from the tradition of appointing people based on blood ties and hereditary succession, and proposed selecting leaders from among the talented (rather than simply social elites) so that this "elite" group could lead social change.

Fifth, the Mohists were considered "sages of science," emphasizing practice and logic. Their "Three Standards Method" stressed empirical judgment based on the interests of the people and historical facts. This coincides with the pragmatic and rational spirit of Liezi's revolutionary thought.

Sixth, the Mohists emphasized "universal love and mutual benefit," and their disciples possessed a strong sense of collectivism and mutual assistance. This is highly consistent with the collectivism and spirit of unity and cooperation advocated by the Liezi school of thought.

If a doctrine looks like the Mohist school and sounds like the Mohist school, then it is the Mohist school.

Liezi first adopted the idea of ​​reforming the system by invoking ancient precedents.

This ancient technique has a natural deceptive quality, which can minimize the enemy's attention in the early stages.

Embarrassingly, the party's initial funding came entirely from Liezi's monthly salary.

Liezi was exiled to the Americas, where he was appointed as the Inspector General of North America, with an annual salary of over ten thousand taels of silver.

It's quite a spectacle, both ancient and modern, that the imperial court actually funded a group of rebels to overthrow it.

Of course, an important factor is that Liezi's theory always avoided one point, namely the treatment of the royal family, which gave him time to develop.

Some capitalists in the Americas felt threatened by Liezi, and at every workers' rally, they could feel the flames in the workers' eyes.

That was anger!

A terrifying flame that will burn these capitalists to ashes.

So the capitalists started targeting Liezi, accusing him of plotting a rebellion.

These whistleblower letters quickly fell into Liezi's hands.

Surprise, not unexpected?

Liezi did not start with a violent revolution, but instead engaged in a legitimate struggle through the power structure of the Eastern Song Dynasty court.

This is also what he warned Marxists in his book "What to Do".

He demanded that the Mexican Party learn to "combine legal and illegal struggles." Of course, he also harshly criticized the view advocated by some economists that problems could be solved by engaging only in legal struggles. He pointed out that violent class struggle was the only way out, and that simply seeking legal struggles would only lead to the "revisionism" of the organization.

In short, in America at that time, anyone whose opinions differed from Liezi's would be chased down and slapped twice by Liezi.

And then you have no way to refute it.

Because once you prepare to refute, what awaits you is a swift and endless barrage of attacks.

The spark of revolution has been ignited in the Americas, and all it takes is a trigger for it to spread throughout the entire continent.

This shows a cross-temporal institutional similarity with the core organizational principle of Liezi-ism political parties—"centralization on the basis of democracy, and democracy under the guidance of centralization"—in terms of maintaining a unified will and action.

Thirdly, Mohist disciples were required to endure hardship for righteousness and to go through fire and water for the people; similarly, the "professional revolutionaries" of the Liezi-ism political party demanded theory, practice, loyalty, and a spirit of sacrifice and dedication. Both required members to possess a near-self-sacrificing, ascetic-like heroism, thereby cultivating extremely strong organizational combat effectiveness.

Both the Mohist school and the Liezi school advocated breaking away from the tradition of appointing people based on blood ties and hereditary succession, and proposed selecting leaders from among the talented (rather than simply social elites) so that this "elite" group could lead social change.

Fifth, the Mohists were considered "sages of science," emphasizing practice and logic. Their "Three Standards Method" stressed empirical judgment based on the interests of the people and historical facts. This coincides with the pragmatic and rational spirit of Liezi's revolutionary thought.

Sixth, the Mohists emphasized "universal love and mutual benefit," and their disciples possessed a strong sense of collectivism and mutual assistance. This is highly consistent with the collectivism and spirit of unity and cooperation advocated by the Liezi school of thought.

If a doctrine looks like the Mohist school and sounds like the Mohist school, then it is the Mohist school.

Liezi first adopted the idea of ​​reforming the system by invoking ancient precedents.

This ancient technique has a natural deceptive quality, which can minimize the enemy's attention in the early stages.

Embarrassingly, the party's initial funding came entirely from Liezi's monthly salary.

Liezi was exiled to the Americas, where he was appointed as the Inspector General of North America, with an annual salary of over ten thousand taels of silver.

It's quite a spectacle, both ancient and modern, that the imperial court actually funded a group of rebels to overthrow it.

Of course, an important factor is that Liezi's theory always avoided one point, namely the treatment of the royal family, which gave him time to develop.

Some capitalists in the Americas felt threatened by Liezi, and at every workers' rally, they could feel the flames in the workers' eyes.

That was anger!

A terrifying flame that will burn these capitalists to ashes.

So the capitalists started targeting Liezi, accusing him of plotting a rebellion.

These whistleblower letters quickly fell into Liezi's hands.

Surprise, not unexpected?

Liezi did not start with a violent revolution, but instead engaged in a legitimate struggle through the power structure of the Eastern Song Dynasty court.

This is also what he warned Marxists in his book "What to Do".

He demanded that the Mexican Party learn to "combine legal and illegal struggles." Of course, he also harshly criticized the view advocated by some economists that problems could be solved by engaging only in legal struggles. He pointed out that violent class struggle was the only way out, and that simply seeking legal struggles would only lead to the "revisionism" of the organization.

In short, in America at that time, anyone whose opinions differed from Liezi's would be chased down and slapped twice by Liezi.

And then you have no way to refute it.

Because once you prepare to refute, what awaits you is a swift and endless barrage of attacks.

The spark of revolution has been ignited in the Americas, and all it takes is a trigger for it to spread throughout the entire continent.

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This shows a cross-temporal institutional similarity with the core organizational principle of Liezi-ism political parties—"centralization on the basis of democracy, and democracy under the guidance of centralization"—in terms of maintaining a unified will and action.

Thirdly, Mohist disciples were required to endure hardship for righteousness and to go through fire and water for the people; similarly, the "professional revolutionaries" of the Liezi-ism political party demanded theory, practice, loyalty, and a spirit of sacrifice and dedication. Both required members to possess a near-self-sacrificing, ascetic-like heroism, thereby cultivating extremely strong organizational combat effectiveness.

Both the Mohist school and the Liezi school advocated breaking away from the tradition of appointing people based on blood ties and hereditary succession, and proposed selecting leaders from among the talented (rather than simply social elites) so that this "elite" group could lead social change.

Fifth, the Mohists were considered "sages of science," emphasizing practice and logic. Their "Three Standards Method" stressed empirical judgment based on the interests of the people and historical facts. This coincides with the pragmatic and rational spirit of Liezi's revolutionary thought.

Sixth, the Mohists emphasized "universal love and mutual benefit," and their disciples possessed a strong sense of collectivism and mutual assistance. This is highly consistent with the collectivism and spirit of unity and cooperation advocated by the Liezi school of thought.

If a doctrine looks like the Mohist school and sounds like the Mohist school, then it is the Mohist school.

Liezi first adopted the idea of ​​reforming the system by invoking ancient precedents.

This ancient technique has a natural deceptive quality, which can minimize the enemy's attention in the early stages.

Embarrassingly, the party's initial funding came entirely from Liezi's monthly salary.

Liezi was exiled to the Americas, where he was appointed as the Inspector General of North America, with an annual salary of over ten thousand taels of silver.

It's quite a spectacle, both ancient and modern, that the imperial court actually funded a group of rebels to overthrow it.

Of course, an important factor is that Liezi's theory always avoided one point, namely the treatment of the royal family, which gave him time to develop.

Some capitalists in the Americas felt threatened by Liezi, and at every workers' rally, they could feel the flames in the workers' eyes.

That was anger!

A terrifying flame that will burn these capitalists to ashes.

So the capitalists started targeting Liezi, accusing him of plotting a rebellion.

These whistleblower letters quickly fell into Liezi's hands.

Surprise, not unexpected?

Liezi did not start with a violent revolution, but instead engaged in a legitimate struggle through the power structure of the Eastern Song Dynasty court.

This is also what he warned Marxists in his book "What to Do".

He demanded that the Mexican Party learn to "combine legal and illegal struggles." Of course, he also harshly criticized the view advocated by some economists that problems could be solved by engaging only in legal struggles. He pointed out that violent class struggle was the only way out, and that simply seeking legal struggles would only lead to the "revisionism" of the organization.

In short, in America at that time, anyone whose opinions differed from Liezi's would be chased down and slapped twice by Liezi.

And then you have no way to refute it.

Because once you prepare to refute, what awaits you is a swift and endless barrage of attacks.

The spark of revolution has been ignited in the Americas, and all it takes is a trigger for it to spread throughout the entire continent.

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