Persian Empire 1845
Chapter 323 The Situation in 1861
Chapter 323 The Situation in 1861
Lawrence worked tirelessly to broker diplomatic relations between the Confederate States of America and European countries, and readily signed loan and arms contracts with Iran because he desperately needed them, or rather, the Confederate States of America desperately needed them.
Due to its limited manufacturing sector, the Confederate States of America had to purchase weapons from other countries. Mexico sold them a shipment of weapons worth $30, marking their first contract.
In March, Confederate President Jefferson Davis issued a proclamation calling on the people of the South to join the army to defend their land. Following this declaration, Robert E. Lee, who opposed slavery and secession, resolutely joined the Confederate army.
For this general, this was not only a fight to defend his homeland (Virginia), but he also believed in the justness of the war. This justice was embedded in the 1787 U.S. Constitution. The United States was not founded as a unified nation, but as a political union of thirteen independent territories. Therefore, the Constitution did not explicitly prohibit states from seceding from the Union. In this light, the South was the true inheritor of the founding spirit, a value upheld by Robert E. Lee and the Confederate army.
However, Lee also clearly recognized that a Southern victory depended not only on military strength but also on diplomatic and political breakthroughs. He met with Jefferson Davis and Lawrence multiple times, emphasizing the importance of securing international support. Lee believed that if the South could achieve several decisive victories on the battlefield, the European powers might change their attitude and formally recognize the Confederate States of America.
The legitimacy of the Confederate States of America was based on the theory of states' supremacy. Robert E. Lee and other Southern leaders repeatedly emphasized that the 1787 U.S. Constitution did not explicitly state that states could not secede from the Union, therefore the South's act of independence was legal. This argument resonated widely in the Southern states, with many Southerners believing they were defending the spirit of freedom and independence championed by their Founding Fathers.
The North's counterattack focused on the indivisibility of the Union. The Lincoln administration emphasized that the United States was an indivisible whole, and that the South's secession was a betrayal of national unity. The North's propaganda machine portrayed the South as rebels attempting to destabilize the country, trying to undermine the South's legitimacy through a war of words.
This debate between the Constitution and states' rights was not merely a contest of law and theory, but also an ideological war. Southern states' rights theory provided legitimacy for its independence movement, but also exacerbated the North-South divide. Northern federalism, on the other hand, attempted to rally support and provide moral support for the war by emphasizing national unity.
International attention to the war was gradually increasing. Although Britain and France had not yet formally recognized the Confederate States of America, their attitudes were beginning to subtly shift. The European powers realized that if the South could achieve several decisive victories on the battlefield, they might change their stance and formally recognize the Confederate States of America, providing military and economic support.
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Herat returned to calm after the Daoud rebellion, and with local development and expanded trade, it flourished again—not in a false sense of prosperity.
Goods from Kabul flowed into Iran through here, while Iranian goods also flooded into Afghanistan. The market was bustling with activity, the air thick with the mingled aromas of spices, leather, and roasted meat. Caravans from Kabul had just arrived, the sound of camel bells still echoing through the streets. Merchants unloaded bundles of wool carpets, lapis lazuli, and dried fruit, exchanging them for Iranian silk, copperware, and tea. The old market, once exploited by Daoud's private soldiers, had been expanded into the double-arched "Silk Road Market." The upper arcade was reserved for tea and spice traders, while the lower level flowed with fresh water from the Hari River, where wool-washing artisans spread snow-white fibers along the canals. The first modern textile factory was built on the outskirts of Herat, the roar of steam engines startling pigeons perched on the city walls. The factory owner was a Parsi merchant returning from Mumbai, bringing not only machinery but also a complete quality management system.
Despite the return to calm, the surrounding security situation remains complex. Tribal conflicts in Afghanistan and threats from Britain make Herat's security a serious concern.
Murad remained in power, maintaining Iranian rule in the region. Although the area was subjugated by the Tehran government, some tribes remained defiant due to the mountainous terrain and the resulting conflicts with the government's policies.
Daoud saw this situation and began to gather strength for a rebellion, even colluding with Britain and Russia. However, his rebellion was crushed by the government before it could even begin. But many tribes remain in the mountains; Iran had previously neglected the local population during its reform efforts, and now it is preparing to pay more attention. Furthermore, having already annexed Kokand, they have formed a semi-encirclement of Afghanistan, and the situation is ripe for action.
Transportation and telegraph were crucial means of overcoming geographical limitations, and the Iranian telegraph office began adding telegraph lines from Herat to Zahedan and Mashhad. Local road investment accounted for half of the total road investment in the east, and the railway from Herat to Kabul was also being explored. At this point, Iran no longer needed to consult Britain; they could conduct the exploration themselves.
Telegraph lines radiating from Herat are weaving a communications network covering the entire east. The line towards Zahedan crosses the salt desert, forcing workers to trek under the scorching sun, carrying insulating porcelain insulators on camels. But their wages are relatively high.
The British approached the Emir of Kabul, offering to provide him with weapons and funds in exchange for his participation in a railway project currently under exploration. However, the Emir said he needed to consider it. He dared not provoke the British to the south, but that didn't mean he had to be manipulated by others, especially not by a heretic.
The Governor-General of India wrote to the London government about the matter and prepared to deploy 20,000 Indian soldiers to intimidate them. Given India's superior numbers, they would naturally have to make the greatest sacrifices.
The gentlemen of London were dissatisfied with Kabul's attitude but also realized that direct use of force could cause even greater trouble. After some discussion, the London government decided on a two-pronged strategy: on the one hand, continuing to exert pressure through diplomatic means, and on the other hand, secretly supporting the opposition forces within Afghanistan, attempting to force the Emir to submit through internal division. India could not be lost; it was the foundation of the British Empire, and without it, Britain would become a second-rate power.
The news reached Tehran from Kabul, who felt closer to Iran than to the British, who belonged to the same cultural sphere.
(End of this chapter)
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